I 

i 


,  m' 


CYRUS 

TOWNSEND 

BRADY 


University  Library 
University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 


Copyright,  1901,  by  Major  Lee  Moorhouse,  Pendleton,  Oregon 

Chief  Joseph 
From  the  collection  of  J.  W.  Redington 


AMERICAN    FIGHTS  AND   FIGHTERS    SERIES 

Northwestern 
Fights  and  Fighters 

BY 

CYRUS  TOWNSEND  BRADY,  LL.  D. 


ILLUSTRATED   WITH    ORIGINAL  DRAWINGS, 
MAPS   AND   PHOTOGRAPHS 


GARDEN  CITY       NEW  YORK 
DOUBLEDAY,  PAGE  &  COMPANY 
MCMXIII 


COPYRIGHT,   1907,  BY  THE  MCCLI7RE  COMPANY 


TO    THE 


Peace   loving,    hard  working ,    Aowor  seeking ',    duty 

following,  never  failing,   hard  fighting 

ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


5  H-V 


PREFACE 

IT   will    be    noticed   that  this   book  differs    from 
others  of  the  AMERICAN  FIGHTS  AND  FIGHTERS 
SERIES,  and  especially  its  immediate  predecessor, 
"  Indian  Fights  and  Fighters,"  in  that  I  am  not 
the  author  of  all  or  most  of  it.     In  response  to  a  request 
for    contributions    from    participants    in    the    Modoc 
and    Nez    Perce    wars,    numerous    papers    were    sub 
mitted,  all  of  such  high  value,  not  only  from  an  historic 
but  from  a  literary  point  of  view  as  well,  that  I  had  not 
the  presumption  to  rewrite  them  myself  —  not  even  the 
proverbial  assurance  of  the  historian  would  warrant  that. 
Therefore,  I  have  contented  myself  with  writing  a 
general  and  comprehensive  account  of  each  of  the  two 
wars  considered,  leaving  to  the  actors  themselves  the 
telling  in  full  of  the  detailed  story  of  the  splendid  achieve 
ments  in  which  they  were  making  history.    I  can  affirm, 
therefore,  that  never  before  has  there  been  included  in 
a  single  volume  such  a  remarkable  and  interesting  col 
lection  of  personal  experiences  in  our  Indian  Wars  as 
in  this  book. 

And  as  I  admire  the  doers  of  the  deeds  so,  also,  do  I 
admire  the  tellers  of  the  tales.  Their  modesty,  their 
restraint,  their  habit  of  relating  adventures  which  stir 
the  blood  and  thrill  the  soul  as  a  mere  matter  of  course, 
—  "  all  in  the  day's  work"  —  enkindles  my  enthusiasm. 
And  how  graphically  these  old  soldiers  wield  their 
pens!  What  good  story  tellers  they  are! 


Preface 

And  what  different  sorts  and  conditions  of  men  are 
here  represented!  Major-generals  and  scouts,  captains 
and  sergeants,  frontiersmen  and  troopers,  soldiers  and 
civilians,  to  say  nothing  of  an  Indian  chief  and  a  bishop, 
have  all  said  their  say  in  their  own  way.  The  reader  will 
be  glad,  I  know,  that  I  have  permitted  these  men,  like 
Paul,  to  speak  for  themselves. 

The  whole  book  constitutes  a  trumpet  call  to  Ameri 
can  manhood,  and  honor,  and  courage,  and  that  I 
believe  to  be  true  of  the  whole  series. 

The  Army  of  the  United  States  is  sometimes  slandered. 
A  case  in  point  is  now  in  mind.  The  chief  official  of  a 
city  of  no  little  prominence,  who  is  also  an  author  and  a 
publicist  of  national  repute,  has  recently  put  forth  a 
bitter  diatribe  against  our  soldiers.  Such  a  book  as  this 
refutes  these  unfounded  accusations.  The  Army  is  not 
perfect  —  neither  is  the  Church!  —  but  not  only  man 
for  man,  but  also  as  an  organization  it  is  the  equal  of 
any,  and  the  superior  of  most,  of  the  armies  of  the  world! 
And  I  am  sure  that  no  one  can  get  a  much  better  training 
for  the  battle  of  life  that  he  gets  in  the  peace  loving, 
hard  working,  honor  seeking,  duty  following,  never 
failing,  hard  righting  service  of  the  United  States  — 
on  sea  or  shore.  I  have  been  in  both,  worn  the  Army 
and  also  the  Navy  blue,  and  I  know.  We  all  deprecate 
the  necessity  for  armies,  but  if  we  must  have  them,  let  us 
thank  God  for  an  army  like  that  of  our  beloved  country. 
I  am  glad  to  express  this  my  deliberate  and  matured 
conviction,  begot  of  much  study,  wide  observation, 
and  ripe  experience. 

CYRUS  TOWNSEND  BRADY. 

LAKE  WINNIPESAUKEE,  CENTRE  HARBOR, 
Nrw  HAMPSHIRE,  July,  1907. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

Thanks  for  valuable  contributions  and  assistance  in 
the  preparation  of  this  book  are  due,  and  are  hereby 
most  gratefully  expressed  by  the  author,  to  the  fol 
lowing: 

Major-General  O.  O.  Howard;  Brigadier-Generals 
David  Perry,  H.  C.  Hasbrouck,  Theodore  F.  Roden- 
bough,  C.  A.  Coolidge,  W.  S.  Edgerly  and  E.  S. 
Godfrey;  Colonels  John  Green,  James  Jackson,  W.  R. 
Parnell  and  D.  L.  Brainard;  Lieutenant-Colonel  W.  H. 
C.  Bowen;  Majors  J.  G.  Trimble,  James  Biddle, 
F.  A.  Boutelle  and  H.  L.  Bailey;  and  Captain  R.  H. 
Fletcher,  all  officers  of  the  United  States  Army;  the 
Right  Reverend  W.  H.  Hare,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Bishop  of 
South  Dakota;  Chief  Joseph  of  the  Nez  Perces;  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Theodore  Ewert,  Illinois  National  Guard; 
Messrs.  E.  S.  Farrow,  J.  W.  Redington,  G.  O.  Shields, 
H.  J.  Davis,  I.  D.  Applegate,  L.  S.  Kelly,  and  Theodore 
W.  Goldin;  McClures  Magazine,  the  Metropolitan 
Magazine,  the  North  American  Review,  the  Century 
Magazine,  Sunset  Magazine,  the  United  Service  Maga 
zine,  Harper  &  Brothers,  Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  the 
New  York  Sun,  and  the  Klamath  Falls  Express; 
together  with  the  War  Department  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 

C.  T.  B. 


CONTENTS 

¥ 

PART  I 
THE  NEZ   PERCE  WAR 

HAPTER  PAGE 

I.    THE  EPIC  OF  THE  NEZ  PERCES 3 

Cyrus  Townsend  Brady,  LL.  D. 

II.     CHIEF  JOSEPH'S  OWN  STORY 44 

Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat  (Chief  Joseph). 
With  an  Introduction  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  W.  H.  Hare; 
D.  D.,  Bishop  of  South  Dakota. 

III.  GENERAL  HOWARD'S   COMMENT  ON   JOSEPH'S   NAR 

RATIVE     76 

Major-General  O.  O.  Howard,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

IV.  THE  BATTLE  OF  WHITE  BIRD  CANON 90 

Major  and   Brevet-Colonel  W.  R.  Parnell,U.  S.  A. 
(Retired). 

V.    THE  BATTLE  OF  WHITE  BIRD  CANON,  continued      .     112 
Brigadier-General  David  Perry,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 
With  notes  by  Captain  Farrow,  Late  U.  S.  A.,  and 
Dr.  Brady. 

VI.    THE  AFFAIR  AT  COTTONWOOD 123 

Brigadier-General  David  Perry,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

VII.    THE  SALMON  RIVER  EXPEDITION 127 

Major  and  Brevet-Colonel  W.  R.  Parnell,  U.  S.  A. 
(Retired). 


Contents 

CHAPTIR 

VIII.    THE  BATTLE  OF  CLEARWATER 137 

Major].  G.  Trimble,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

IX.    THE  ASSEMBLING  OF  THE  SOLDIERS  AND  THE  BATTLE 

OF  CLEARWATER 151 

Captain  E.  S.  Farrow,  late  U.  S.  A. 

With  letter  by  Major  H.  L.  Bailey,  U.  S.  A. 

X.    THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  BIG  HOLE 164 

G.  O.  Shields  (Coquina). 

XL    THE  BATTLE  OF  CAMAS  MEADOWS 191 

H.  J.  Davis,  Late  Second  Cavalry,  U.  S.  A. 

XII.    THE  STORY  OF  BUGLER  BROOKS      ......     198 

Colonel  J.  W.  Redington,  Former  U.  S.  Scout  and 
Courier. 

XIII.  THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY  AT  CANON  CREEK    .     .     .     203 

Theodore  W.  Goldin,  Late  Trooper  Seventh  Cavalry. 

XIV.  ANECDOTES  OF  CHIEF  JOSEPH 223 

From  the  New  York  Sun. 


PART  II 
THE  MODOC  WAR 

I.    IN  THE  LAND  OF  BURNT  OUT  FIRES 229 

Cyrus  Townsend  Brady,  LL.D. 
With  notes  by  Col.  J.  W.  Redington  and  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Interior. 

II.    THE  FIRST  BLOW  —  JACKSON'S  EXPEDITION    .     .     .     258 
Colonel  James  Jackson,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

III.       BOUTELLE   AND    SCAR-FACED   CHARLEY 265 

Major  F.  A.  Boutelle,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 


Contents 

CHAPTER  *AGi 

IV.    THE  INITIAL  SHOT 273 

Ivan  D.  Applegate. 

V.    THE  COUNTRY  THEY  MARCHED  AND  FOUGHT  OVER.     281 
Major  J.  G.  Trimble,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

VI.    THE  KILLING  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS 287 

Major  J.  G.  Trimble,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

With  note  by  Major  James  Biddle,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

VII.     FIRST  AND  SECOND  BATTLES  IN  THE  LAVA-BEDS      .     292 
Brigadier-General  David  Perry,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 
With  note  by  Major  Trimble. 

VIII.    THE  DISASTER  TO  THOMAS'  COMMAND      ....     305 
Major  F.  A.  Boutelle,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

IX.    CARRYING  A  STRETCHER  THROUGH  THE  LAVA-BEDS  .     314 
Major  J.  G.  Trimble,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 

X.    THE  LAST  FIGHT  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 320 

Brigadier-General  H.  C.  Hasbrouck,U.  S.  A.  (Retired). 


APPENDIX 

I.     Letter   from    Lt.-Col.  W.  H.   C.    Bowen    Regarding 

Custer  Disaster 329 

II.     Lt.-Col.  Bowen's  Account  of  Custer's  Defeat  on  the 

Little  Big  Horn 332 

III.  Letter  from  Lt.-Col.  Theo.  Ewert,  111.  Nat.  Guard, 

Late  1st  Sergeant  H  Troop,  Seventh  Cavalry,  Re 
garding  Custer's  Fight  in  the  Yellowstone,  with 
Comment  by  Brig.-Gen.  E.  S.  Godfrey,  U.  S.  A.  .  357 

IV.  Memoranda  upon  the  Wolf  Mountain  Campaign  by 

L.  S.  Kelly  (Yellowstone  Kelly) 360 

INDEX 363 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING 
FAOK 

CHIEF  JOSEPH Frontispiece 

From  the  collection  of  J.  W.  Redington 

MAJ.-GEN.  O.  O.  HOWARD,  U.  S.  A.  (RETIRED)     ...      38 
CHIEF  JOSEPH  SURRENDERS  TO  GEN.  MILES  ....      39 

"From  where  the  sun  now  stands  I  fight  no  more  with  the  white  man" 

LAST  HOME  OF  CHIEF  JOSEPH,  WHERE  HE  DROPPED  DEAD  AT 
THE  CAMP  FIRE,  SEPTEMBER,  1904 — NESPELUM,  COLVILLE 
RESERVATION  OF  MOSES  INDIANS,  WASHINGTON  STATE  .  54 

From  the  collection  of  J.  W.  Redington 

DISTINGUISHED  OFFICERS  OF  THE  NEZ  PERCE"  WAR        .        .      55 

COLONEL  W.  R.  PARNELL,  U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED,  FIRST  LIEUTENANT  ROBERT 
H.  FLETCHER,  U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED,  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  DAVID  FERRY, 
U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED,  MAJOR  J.  G.  TRIMBLE,  U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED 

GROUP  OF  NEZ  PERCE  WARRIORS 134 

GROUP  OF  OFFICERS  WHO  FOUGHT  IN  THE  NEZ  PERCE"  WAR  .     135 

CAPTAIN  E.  S.  FARROW,  U.  S.  A.,  COLONEL  J.  W.  REDINGTON,  COLONEL  C.  E.  S. 
WOOD,  U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED,  CAPTAIN  S.  O.  FISHER,  CHIEF  OF  BANNOCK 
SCOUTS  DURING  NEZ  PERCfi  CAMPAIGN 

ATTACK  ON  MODOC  CAMP  BY  MAJOR  JACKSON — FIRST  BLOW    230 
OFFICERS  OF  THE  MODOC  WAR 231 

COLONEL  JOHN  GREEN,  U.  S.  A.,  COLONEL  W.  H.  BOYLE,  U.  S.  A.,  GENERAL 
E.  R.  S.  CANBY,  GENERAL  FRANK  WHEATON,  U.  S.  A. 

TULE  LAKE,  CAMP  SOUTH,  FROM  THE  SIGNAL  STATION,  TULE 

LAKE  IN  THE  DISTANCE 246 

From  the  collection  of  General  C.  P.  Egan 


Illustrations 


FACING 

THE    PEACE   COMMISSION'S    TENT,  AND  STONE   ON  WHICH 

GENERAL  CANBY  WAS  SITTING  WHEN  SHOT     .        .        .    246 

From  the  collection  of  General  C.  P.  Egan 

MODOC  WAR — MAJOR  THOMAS  AND  COMMAND  DEFEATED  IN 

LAVA  BEDS        .        .        . 247 

THE  LAVA  BEDS 278 

From  the  collection  of  General  C.  P.  Egan 

BOGUS  CHARLIE'S  CAVE  IN  THE  LAVA  BEDS    ....    278 

From  the  collection  of  General  C.  P.  Egan 

ON  THE  LOOKOUT  FOR  AN  ATTACK  AT  A  PICKET  STATION       .    279 

Fromjthe  collection  of  General  C.  P.  Egan 

THE  MODOC  STRONGHOLD  AFTER  ITS  CAPTURE        .        .        .    279 

From  the  collection  of  General  C.  P.   Egan 

THE  LAVA  BEDS .    310 

SCHAKNASTIC  JlM*S  CAMP  IN  THE  LAVA  BEDS          .        .        .    310 
GROUP  OF  OFFICERS  WHO  FOUGHT  IN  THE  MODOC  WAR        .    311 

COLONEL  H.  C.   HASBROUCK,  COLONEL  JAMES  JACKSON,  U.  S.  A.,  RETIRED 
CAPTAIN   O.  C.  AJPPLEGATE,  GENERAL  JEFF  C.  DAVIS,  U.  S.  A. 


MAPS    AND    PLANS 

PAGE 

NEZ  PERCE"  RESERVATION,  IDAHO,  WHERE  THE  NEZ  PERCE 

WAR  BEGAN 5 

CHIEF  JOSEPH'S  LINE  OF  RETREAT  TO  BEAR  PAW  MOUNTAINS  49 
PLAN  OF  BATTLE  OF  WHITE  BIRD  CANON,  IDAHO  ...  93 
BATTLEGROUND  OF  WHITE  BIRD  CANON,  IDAHO  .  .  .  103 
PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  CLEARWATER  .  .  .  .154 
BATTLEFIELD  OF  THE  CLEARWATER  RIVER  ....  157 
BATTLEFIELD  OF  BIG  HOLE  RIVER 170 

GENERAL  CHARACTER  OF  LAVA  BEDS  AND  LAKE   SHORE, 

SHOWING  IMPORTANT  POINTS 240 

LOCATION  OF  JACK'S  CAVE  IN  THE  LAVA  BEDS       .        .        .301 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Continued  from  "Indian  Fights  and  Fighters" 

XXVII.  WIGWAM  AND  WAR-PATH,  OR  THE  ROYAL  CHIEF  IN 
CHAINS,  by  Hon.  A.  B.  Meacham.  John  P.  Dale  &  Co. 
Boston.  1875. 

XXVIII.  WILD  LIFE  ON  THE  PLAINS  AND  HORRORS  OF  INDIAN 
WARFARE,  by  various  authors.  Pease-Taylor  Publish 
ing  Co.  St.  Louis.  1891. 

XXIX.    THE  BATTLE  or  THE    BIG   HOLE,  by  G.  O.  Shields. 
Rand,  McNally  &  Co.  Chicago  and  New  York.  1889. 

XXX.    MASSACRES  OF  THE    MOUNTAINS,  by  J.  P.  Dunn,  Jr. 
Harper  &  Brothers.  New  York.  1886. 

XXXI.  CHIEF  JOSEPH,  His  PURSUIT  AND  CAPTURE,  by  Gen. 
O.  O.  Howard.  Lee  &  Shepard. -Boston.  1881. 


PART  I 
The  Nez  Perce  War 


CHAPTER  ONE 

The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Percys 

By  Dr.  Brady 

XENOPHON  has  chronicled  the  retreat  of  the 
ten  thousand;   De  Quincey  has    romanced 
about  the  migration  of  the  Tartars;  a  thou 
sand  pens  have  recorded  the  annihilation  of 
the  Grand  Army  of  Napoleon :  the  story  of  Joseph  and 
his  Nez  Perces  is  my  theme  —  the  story  of  the  bitterest 
injustice  toward  a  weak  but  independent   people  to 
which  the  United  States  ever  set  its  hand.  And  at  the 
outset  let  me  confess  that  I  am  the  advocatus  diaboli  — 
the  friend  of  the  Indian,  at  least  in  this  instance! 

In  1855,  Governor  Isaac  I.  Stevens  of  Washington 
Territory  negotiated  an  equitable,  even  a  liberal  treaty 
by  which  the  Nez  Perces  were  confirmed  in  their  un 
doubted  title  by  immemorial  occupancy  to  the  vast 
region  in  Idaho,  Oregon,  and  Washington,  including  the 
valleys  of  the  Snake,  the  Salmon,  the  Clearwater,  and 
the  Grande  Ronde  Rivers. 

The  scope  of  the  Stevens  treaty  was  so  extensive  and 
its  provisions  so  fair,  that  it  is  probable  no  question 
would  ever  have  arisen  had  not  the  convention  been 
abrogated  in  1863  by  a  new  treaty  which  materially 
diminished  the  Nez  Perce  Reservation.  This  treaty 
was  signed  by  a  majority  of  the  Indian  tribes  and  has 


4    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

been  loyally  kept  by  them  to  this  day.  Old  Joseph  and 
other  chiefs  declined  to  sign  it,  refused  to  live  on  the 
proposed  reservation,  and  continued  to  occupy  the  fertile 
valleys  of  the  Wallowa  and  Imnaha,  tributaries  of  the 
Grande  Ronde  and  the  Snake  respectively.  They  also 
refused  even  to  stay  on  the  lands  they  claimed  except 
when  it  suited  them. 

As  the  majority  of  the  Nez  Perces  had  signed  the 
treaty,  the  United  States,  pressed  thereto  by  the  settlers, 
took  the  position  that  the  action  of  the  majority  was 
binding  upon  the  minority.  The  Nez  Perce  Nation  was 
made  up  of  a  number  of  small  tribes  more  or  less  inde 
pendent  of  one  another.  The  lower  Nez  Perces  of  whom 
Old  Joseph  was  the  recognized  head,  who  had  refused 
to  sign  the  treaty,  recognized  no  power  in  the  majority 
to  constrain  them  to  acquiescence.  To  the  non-treaty  Nez 
Perces  their  position  was  absolutely  impregnable.  They 
were  the  original  owners  of  the  land.  From  time  im 
memorial  they  had  been  absolutely  free  men,  as  free  to 
go  where  they  pleased  as  any  people  on  earth. 

Old  Joseph  died  in  1872,  bequeathing  to  his  son  and 
successor,  Young  Joseph,  called  in  his  own  language 
Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat,*  which  means  Thunder-rolling- 
in-the-mountains,  the  policy  of  ignoring  the  treaty  and 
retaining  the  land.  Young  Joseph  thus  records  the  elo 
quent  dying  speech  of  his  aged  father: 

My  son,  my  body  is  returning  to  my  mother  earth,  and  my  spirit 
is  going  very  soon  to  see  the  Great  Spirit  Chief.  When  I  am  gone, 
think  of  your  country.  You  are  the  chief  of  these  people.  They  look 
to  you  to  guide  them.  Always  remember  that  your  father  never  sold 
his  country.  You  must  stop  your  ears  whenever  you  are  asked  to  sign 

*  The  reader  will  notice  that  many  of  these  Nez  Perce  names  are  spelled  differ 
ently  by  different  writers  in  this  series  of  papers.  Inasmuch  as  most  of  the  names 
are  phonetically  presented  I  have  not  striven  for  uniformity,  but  have  let  each  man 
spell  for  himself  as  he  pleased.— C.  T.  B. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces       5 


A    NE1Z  PERCERESERV/V- 
f  /\  TIONJDAHO.WIiERE  THE 
EZ  PERCE'WARBEGAN 


SKETCH  BYCAPT.  RHFLETCHCR  US  A 


6    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

a  treaty  selling  your  home.  A  few  years  more,  and  white  men  will  be 
all  around  you.  They  have  their  eyes  on  this  land.  My  son,  never  forget 
my  dying  words.  This  country  holds  your  father's  body.  Never  sell  the 
bones  of  your  father  and  your  mother. 

In  1873,  further  to  complicate  matters,  the  United 
States  gave  the  Indians  temporary  permission  to  re 
main  in  the  Wallowa  Valley.  This  valley  is  admirably 
adapted  for  grazing  and  agricultural  purposes.  Settlers, 
pouring  into  the  Northwest,  recognizing  no  right  of 
proprietorship  among  the  Indians,  occupied  it. 

The  white  man  and  the  Indian  have  never  lived  to 
gether  in  peace.  Among  other  Indians  less  forbearing 
there  would  have  been  instant  outbreak.  As  it  was  there 
was  a  growing  friction.  A  commission,  appointed  in 
1876,  decided — in  defiance  of  right — that  the  non- 
treaty  Nez  Perces  had  no  standing  and  that  they  must 
go  upon  the  reservation  of  1863. 

Maj.-Gen.  O.  O.  Howard,  commanding  the  Military 
Department,  was  ordered  to  carry  out  the  decision.  In 
May,  1877,  several  councils  were  held  in  quick  succes 
sion  at  Fort  Lapwai,  Idaho.  Joseph,  attended  by  his 
young  brother  Ollicut,  White  Bird,  Hush-hush-cute  and 
Looking  Glass,  sub-chiefs,  and  by  Too-hul-hul-sote, 
the  priest,  or  too-at,  of  a  peculiar  religious  organization 
called  the  "Dreamers"  to  which  Joseph  and  the  others 
belonged,  which  had  evidently  risen  out  of  the  disputes 
in  connection  with  the  land,  were  present. 

"Joseph  at  this  time  must  have  been  about  thirty- 
seven  or  thirty-eight  years  old.  He  is  tall,  straight  and 
handsome,  with  a  mouth  and  chin  not  unlike  that  of 
Napoleon  I.  He  was,  in  council,  at  first  probably  not 
so  influential  as  White  Bird  and  the  group  of  chiefs  that 
sustained  him,  but  from  first  to  last  he  was  preeminently 
their '  war  chief.'  Such  was  the  testimony  of  his  followers 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces        7 

after  his  surrender,  and  such  seems  to  be  the  evidence 
of  the  campaign  itself. "  * 

The  proceedings  were  dramatic  but  not  happy.  Old 
Too-hul-hul-sote,  the  Indian  orator,  who  was  remark 
able  for  the  inveteracy  of  his  hatred  of  the  white  men, 
was  summarily  placed  under  arrest  to  keep  him  quiet. 
Joseph  secured  his  release  and  the  council  adjourned 
on  May  Jth,  Joseph  agreeing  for  himself  and  the  rest  to 
obey  the  order  of  the  commission  and  go  upon  the 
reservation.  He  did  this  most  reluctantly,  and  only  be 
cause  he  felt  that  it  would  be  better  to  submit  to  injus 
tice  rather  than  to  provoke  a  war  in  which  he  was  wise 
enough  to  see  that  he  and  his  people  would  be  the  chief 
sufferers. 

A  certain  time  was  given  him  to  collect  his  people  and 
move  to  the  reservation.  His  pacific  intentions  were  not 
shared  by  his  younger  warriors.  Among  them  were 
three  whose  fathers  or  brothers  had  been  killed  by 
white  settlers  some  time  before;  a  fourth  had  been 
beaten  by  a  white  man.  Some  perfunctory  investiga 
tions  had  been  made;  but  as  they  were  carried  on  by  the 
white  men,  nothing  was  done  to  punish  the  offenders 
and  pacify  the  enraged  Indians.  It  is  certain  that  the 
first  act  of  aggression  was  committed  and  the  first  blood 
was  shed  by  the  white  men. 

Joseph  and  White  Bird  had  withdrawn  to  the  Salmon 
River  and  were  engaged  in  preparing  for  the  removal. 
The  three  young  Nez  Perces  mentioned,  with  a  few 
other  reckless  braves,  resolved  to  take  matters  in  their 
hands  and,  if  they  could,  force  the  issue.  On  June  ijth, 
they  assumed  the  offensive.  On  that  and  the  next  day 
several  settlers  were  murdered.  Other  warriors  joined 
the  first  aggressors.  The  alarm  spread  through  the 

*  Quotation  from  Colonel  Wood's  Century  article. — C.  T.  B. 


8    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

surrounding  ranches  and  little  settlements.  From  the 
Norton  House  at  Cottonwood  Falls,  half-way  between 
Fort  Lapwai  and  the  little  town  of  Mount  Idaho,  the 
settlers  started  for  the  latter  place  to  escape  the  savages. 
The  party  was  pursued  and  overcome.  Two  men  and 
some  children  were  killed,  two  others  mortally  wounded, 
the  women  outrageously  treated,  although  Joseph  after 
ward  denied  this.  It  is  a  matter  of  record  that  Joseph 
had  no  personal  knowledge  of  this  affair.  He  was  not 
there,  he  had  not  ordered  it,  he  could  not  have  pre 
vented  it.  The  young  men  rode  into  the  camp  of  White 
Bird  waving  scalps  and  other  booty,  and  succeeded  in 
stampeding  the  camp. 

Too-hul-hul-sote  welcomed  the  diversion  and  incited 
the  men  with  all  the  power  he  possessed.  Every  voice 
was  for  war,  resistance  to  unjust  decree,  vengeance  upon 
the  white  men.  When  Joseph  reached  his  camp  he 
found  his  band  was  committed  to  war  against  the 
United  States.  Hostilities  had  begun.  He  protested,  but 
in  vain.  Matters  had  gone  too  far.  From  his  point  of 
view  there  was  nothing  left  for  him  but  to  cast  in  his 
lot  with  the  rest.  Joseph  had  not  provoked  the  out 
break.  He  had  done  his  best  to  keep  the  peace:  but 
now  the  outbreak  had  come  he  would  do  his  part  to 
make  it  formidable. 

Joseph  was  at  this  time  about  thirty-seven  years  old. 
The  Nez  Perces  had  been  at  peace  with  everybody  for 
years.  Joseph  had  done  no  fighting  whatsoever.  What 
his  capacities  as  a  soldier  were  no  one  knew.  The  first 
test  came  quickly.  Messengers  from  Mount  Idaho  were 
sent  speeding  to  Fort  Lapwai  with  the  news  of  the  mur 
der  of  the  settlers  and  piteous  appeals  for  help.  General 
Howard  acted  with  commendable  promptness.  There 
were  two  skeleton  troops  of  the  First  Cavalry  at  the  post. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces       9 

The  garrison  numbered  a  little  over  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men.  Ninety  of  them,  under  Captains  Perry  and 
Trimble,  with  Lieutenant  Parnell  of  the  First  Cavalry 
and  Lieutenant  Theller  of  the  Twenty-first  Infantry, 
were  despatched  to  protect  the  settlers.  Nobody 'believed 
that  the  Indians  would  fight  and  it  was  expected  that 
Perry's  force  would  be  adequate  to  secure  the  criminals 
and  bring  the  rest  to  the  reservation.  Nevertheless,  to 
be  prepared  for  any  contingency,  Howard  ordered  an 
immediate  concentration  of  the  available  troops  in  his 
Department  at  Fort  Lapwai.  It  was  well  that  he  did  so. 

Perry  marched  rapidly,  making  eighty  miles  in  about 
thirty  hours  over  execrable  country  for  the  most  part. 
He  was  joined  by  ten  volunteers  from  Grangeville,  and 
on  the  iyth  of  June,  very  early  in  the  morning,  came  in 
contact  with  Joseph  in  White  Bird  Canon.  So  soon  as 
Joseph  recognized  that  hostilities  were  inevitable,  he 
had  concentrated  his  and  White  Bird's  bands  on  the 
banks  of  the  Salmon  River,  a  tortuous  torrential 
stream,  just  where  White  Bird  Creek  empties  into  it. 

The  country  is  mountainous  and  broken.  Some  dis 
tance  back  from  the  river  there  is  a  high  rugged  table 
land.  The  tributaries  of  the  river  take  their  rise  in  this 
table-land  and  run  through  precipitous  and  gloomy 
canons  until  they  reach  the  valley.  The  canon,  at  first 
very  narrow,  grew  wider  as  it  approached  the  river  sev 
eral  miles  below.  Between  the  entrance  of  the  canon  and 
the  bank  of  the  river  was  a  stretch  of  rolling  ground 
several  hundred  yards  in  width.  The  entrance  was  cov 
ered  by  buttes  and  rocky  ravines,  forming  a  natural 
defense.  At  intervals  on  either  side  of  the  canon  ex 
tended  lateral  canons,  short  and  steep,  but  through 
which  the  soldiers,  if  hard  pressed,  might  escape  to  the 
upper  levels.  The  banks  of  the  rushing  brook,  the  White 


io  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Bird,  were  slightly  timbered,  the  valley  of  the  Salmon 
bare  of  trees. 

Arriving  while  it  was  yet  dark  at  the  source  of  White 
Bird  Creek,  Perry  waited  until  dawn,  giving  his  men  and 
horses  a  much-needed  rest.  In  the  gray  of  the  morning, 
when  he  could  see  the  gleam  of  the  river  far  below  him, 
he  took  up  the  march  down  through  the  wild  gap  in  the 
mountains. 

In  the  open  valley  with  his  back  to  the  Salmon  River, 
his  front  toward  White  Bird  Canon,  Joseph  had  pitched 
his  camp.  It  was  concealed  from  Perry  by  the  inequali 
ties  of  the  ground.  Only  the  smoke  from  the  camp-fires, 
rising  in  the  still  air  of  the  spring  morning,  indicated  its 
position.  Silhouetted  against  the  sky  in  the  light  of  the 
rising  sun,  illuminating  the  west  side  of  White  Bird 
Creek,  keen  eyes  in  Joseph's  camp  discovered  horsemen 
at  the  head  of  the  canon.  A  field-glass  revealed  the 
soldiers. 

As  Joseph  watched  them  the  descent  began.  For  an 
instant  all  was  confusion  in  the  Indian  camp.  Some 
thing  like  a  panic  began  to  develop. 

"Let  us  cross  over  the  river  with  the  women  and 
children  and  abandon  the  camp,"  urged  Ollicut.  "The 
soldiers  will  not  be  able  to  get  at  us  there. " 

White  Bird,  too,  thought  the  advice  was  good,  but 
Joseph  was  in  no  mood  for  retreat.  He  resolved  to  re 
main  and  give  battle.  With  quick  military  instinct,  he 
sent  the  women  and  children  with  the  spare  horses  down 
the  river  behind  the  bluffs.  He  divided  his  two  hundred 
warriors  into  two  bodies.  One  moiety  he  gave  to  White 
Bird  with  instructions  to  move  to  the  right,  taking  posi 
tion  just  at  the  mouth  of  the  canon  behind  the  ample 
cover  afforded  by  ridges  and  ravines.  With  his  own  men, 
he  lined  the  buttes  covering  the  space  where  the  canon 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     n 

debouched  in  the  valley.  His  dispositions  were  admira 
ble.  He  had  set  a  trap  for  the  soldiers. 

The  canon  widened  sufficiently  as  it  descended  to 
permit  the  soldiers  to  approach  in  a  column  of  fours. 
No  precaution  was  neglected.  One  hundred  yards  in 
advance  rode  Lieutenant  Theller  with  eight  troopers. 
Captain  Perry  with  the  volunteers  and  his  own  men 
followed,  and  some  fifty  yards  after  this  party,  Trimble 
with  his  troop. 

Not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen,  but  every  man  was  on 
the  alert  and  ready.  Suddenly,  the  buttes  were  lined  with 
Indians.  Rifle-shots  rang  out;  several  bodies  of  mounted 
Indians  galloped  between  the  buttes  and  charged  to 
ward  the  approaching  column,  yelling  and  firing.  The 
trap  was  sprung.  From  an  elevated  point  Captain  Perry 
discovered  that  the  level  ground  back  of  the  buttes  was 
filled  with  Indians.  Lieutenant  Theller,  upon  whom  the 
first  attack  fell,  deployed  his  squad  of  men  and,  by  put 
ting  up  a  bold  front,  kept  the  Indians  in  check  until 
Captain  Perry's  company  came  up  at  a  gallop.  The  vol 
unteers  seized  the  most  commanding  position  on  the 
field,  a  hillock  to  the  left.  They  at  once  dismounted  and 
opened  fire.  Perry  dismounted  and  deployed  his  com 
pany  in  a  slight  depression  on  the  right  of  the  volunteers, 
backing  up  Theller  who  retreated  on  the  main  body  in 
good  order.  On  the  right  of  Perry,  Trimble's  company 
galloped  into  line. 

The  soldiers  were  cool  and  determined.  The  firing 
was  fast  and  furious  for  a  few  moments.  Several  of  the 
troopers  were  hit;  but  there  were  no  serious  casualties. 
The  canon  was  filled  with  smoke.  The  Indians  galloping 
to  and  fro,  those  on  foot  scarcely  exposing  themselves 
at  all,  escaped  with  little  loss.  As  the  exciting  moments 
fled  away,  White  Bird  gained  his  appointed  position  and 


12  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

suddenly  appeared  in  force  opposite  the  left  flank  of  the 
soldiers.  At  the  same  time,  Joseph  extended  his  line  on 
the  right  flank.  To  prevent  his  right  from  being  turned 
Perry  detached  Sergeant  McCarthy  with  six  men  to 
take  position  on  the  slope  of  the  canon  and  hold  it. 
White  Bird  instantly  attacked  on  the  left  and  was  com 
pletely  successful.  The  volunteers,  losing  two  men,  fled, 
leaving  the  flank  of  Perry's  company  in  the  air.  Joseph 
seized  the  abandoned  butte,  the  key  to  the  position. 
There  were  moments  of  confusion  and  alarm,  but  the 
officers  kept  their  men  in  hand.  The  troopers  sprang 
to  their  horses  and  slowly  retreated  up  the  canon,  seeking 
another  ridge  upon  which  to  reform,  fighting  every  foot 
of  the  way. 

They  were  furiously  pressed  by  the  Indians.  In  the 
confusion,  Trimble's  troop  gave  back,  leaving  McCar 
thy's  band  isolated  and  surrounded.  Trimble  rallied 
them  and  charged  the  Indians;  they  were  checked  and 
the  retreat  of  the  soldiers  halted  for  the  time  being. 
But  they  had  lost  their  position  and  in  a  short  time  the 
whole  body  was  forced  back  for  the  second  time. 
Again  brave  McCarthy  and  his  desperate  six,  who  had 
been  grimly  holding  their  place  among  the  rocks,  were 
abandoned. 

Lieutenant  Parnell  with  a  platoon  of  Trimble's  troop 
made  a  gallant  charge  to  rescue  them.  The  party  was 
brought  off  except  two  who  were  shot  from  their  horses 
and  killed.  Parnell  and  his  men  streamed  up  the  canon 
in  a  wild  gallop  after  the  flying  main  body.  The  officer 
kept  his  head,  however,  and  succeeded  in  rescuing  an 
other  wounded  man  on  the  way.  For  these  two  exhibi 
tions  of  distinguished  gallantry  he  received  a  medal  of 
honor,  as  did  McCarthy,  the  heroic  sergeant. 

There  is  no  disguising  the  fact  that  the  troops  were 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces      13 

now  panic-stricken.  They  had  not  looked  for  such  fight 
ing,  such  generalship.  The  officers  displayed  splendid 
heroism,  but  unavailingly.  Lieutenant  Theller  brought 
up  the  rear.  The  Indians,  by  taking  to  ravines  and  in 
tersecting  canons,  were  able  to  intercept  a  number  of 
the  soldiers  who  were  pressed  so  hard  that  they  had 
retreated  into  one  of  the  lateral  canons.  The  rear-guard 
was  thus  cut  off.  Unfortunately  they  retreated  into  a 
cul-de-sac  and  were  killed  to  the  last  man.  Only  the  speed 
of  their  horses  saved  the  rest  of  the  men  from  annihila 
tion;  as  it  was,  Theller  and  thirty-six  men  were  killed 
and  two  desperately  wounded.  It  was  not  until  they  got 
out  of  the  canon  and  the  pursuit  was  abandoned  that 
Perry  was  able  to  bring  them  to  a  stand.  The  total 
casualties  among  the  troops  were  nearly  forty  per  cent ! 

The  first  blow  in  the  grim  little  game  had  been  struck 
and  all  the  honors  were  with  Joseph.  He  had  displayed 
in  this  battle  all  the  qualities  of  a  soldier.  He  had  demon 
strated  in  force  along  the  enemy's  lines  and  had  sud 
denly  attacked  him  heavily  on  the  left  flank.  When  the 
enemy  had  retreated  he  had  made  use  of  his  topograph 
ical  knowledge  to  intercept  his  rear-guard  and  cut  it 
to  pieces.  Throughout  the  battle  he  had  been  in  the  very 
thick  of  the  fighting.  He  had  exposed  himself  to  every 
possible  danger  without  hesitation.  During  this  battle 
Joseph's  wife  gave  birth  to  a  daughter.  When  he  finally 
gave  up  the  struggle  in  Montana  this  was  the  only  child 
left  him.  And  the  baby  was  with  him  all  through  the 
long  retreat. 

Now  was  seen  the  wisdom  of  Howard's  orders  for  the 
concentration  of  the  troops.  As  the  different  troops  re 
ported,  he  despatched  them  to  the  front  and  presently 
took  the  field  with  some  three  hundred  soldiers.  Joseph 
still  remained  in  the  valley  of  the  Salmon.  On  June  27th, 


14  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

his  scouts  reported  the  approach  of  Howard.  Waiting 
until  Howard  had  almost  reached  the  valley,  Joseph 
moved  down  the  Salmon  River  a  few  miles,  crossed  it 
and  took  up  a  strong  position  in  the  mountains  on  the 
other  side.  He  had  chosen  his  position  with  as  much 
generalship  as  Washington  displayed  when  he  estab 
lished  his  winter  camp  after  Trenton  and  Princeton  in 
the  hills  about  Morristown.  He  threatened  everything. 

General  Howard  thus  comments  on  the  strategy  of 
the  great  Nez  Perce:  "The  leadership  of  Chief  Joseph 
was  indeed  remarkable.  No  general  could  have  chosen 
a  safer  position,  or  one  that  would  be  more  likely  to 
puzzle  and  obstruct  a  pursuing  foe.  If  we  present  a 
weak  force  he  can  turn  upon  it.  If  we  make  direct  pur 
suit  he  can  go  southward  toward  Boise,  for  at  least 
thirty  miles,  and  then  turn  our  left.  He  can  go  straight 
to  his  rear,  and  cross  the  Snake  at  Pittsburg  Landing. 
He  can  go  on  down  the  Salmon,  and  cross  at  several 
places  and  then  turn  either  to  the  left,  for  his  old  haunts 
in  the  Wallowa  Valley,  or  to  the  right  and  pass  our  flank 
threatening  our  line  of  supply,  while  he  has,  at  the  same 
time,  a  wonderful  natural  barrier  between  him  and  us 
in  the  Salmon,  a  river  that  delights  itself  in  its  furious 
flow." 

The  only  way  Howard  could  dislodge  him  was  to 
cross  the  Salmon  River  and  attack  him  in  the  fastnesses 
of  the  hills.  Should  he  do  that  Joseph  either  could  wait 
his  attack  with  splendid  prospects  of  success,  or  he 
could  execute  a  counter-stroke  by  recrossing  the  Salmon 
to  the  north  and  falling  upon  Howard's  communica 
tions.  It  was  impossible  for  Howard  to  keep  his  army  in 
idleness  staring  at  Joseph  across  the  river.  He  decided 
to  follow  him.  Howard  was  not  deceived  as  to  the  possi 
bilities  of  the  situation,  for  he  despatched  Major  Whipple 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces      15 

with  two  troops  of  cavalry  to  move  toward  Cottonwood 
Creek  where  Looking  Glass  and  his  men  had  encamped. 

Looking  Glass  was  very  much  disaffected,  especially 
since  the  news  of  the  victory  in  White  Bird  Canon,  and 
Howard  hoped  to  prevent  him  from  joining  Joseph. 
Whipple  had  orders  to  force  Looking  Glass  on  the  res 
ervation.  Incidentally,  Whipple  was  to  hold  Joseph  in 
check  in  case  he  attempted  to  cut  Howard's  communi 
cations. 

Things  did  not  happen  as  they  were  planned.  Howard 
crossed  the  Salmon  River;  Joseph  made  off  to  the  north, 
crossing  the  river  with  all  his  women,  children  and 
horses;  Whipple  fell  in  with  Looking  Glass  and  suc 
ceeded  in  capturing  eight  hundred  ponies,  but  the  chief 
and  his  people  escaped.  Joseph  descended  from  the 
mountains  and  marched  rapidly  across  Camas  Prairie, 
while  Howard  was  still  entangled  in  the  mountain  coun 
try,  and  fell  upon  Whipple's  force  which  was  hastily 
intrenched  at  Cottonwood  Ranch.  A  scouting-party 
under  Lieutenant  Rains,,  comprising  a  sergeant  and 
nine  men,  was  surrounded  and  killed  to  a  man  on  the 
3rd  of  July.  On  the  4th  another  party  of  civilians 
proceeding  to  the  succor  of  Whipple  was  surrounded, 
its  commander  and  others  desperately  wounded  and  the 
whole  party  placed  in  grave  peril  from  which  they  were 
only  extricated  by  a  gallant  cavalry  charge  by  a  troop 
sent  from  the  position  to  rescue  them.  Whipple  was 
closely  invested.  Howard  learned  of  these  disasters  and 
again  acted  promptly.  He  retraced  his  steps  across  the 
Salmon,  up  White  Bird  Canon  and  followed  Joseph 
post-haste  to  the  Cottonwood  Ranch. 

Joseph,  well  served  by  his  scouts,  was  aware  of 
Howard's  movements.  He  raised  the  siege  and  retreated 
to  the  south  fork  of  the  Clearwater  where  it  is  joined  by 


1 6  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Cottonwood  Creek.  There  he  effected  a  junction  with 
Looking  Glass  which  raised  his  numbers  to  some  two 
hundred  and  fifty  fighting  men,  with  about  four  hundred 
and  fifty  women  and  children. 

His  campaign  so  far  had  been  a  brilliant  success.  The 
untried  Nez  Perce  had  beaten  the  enemy  in  detail.  In 
the  face  of  a  more  numerous  and  entirely  unencumbered 
body  of  fighters,  he  had  succeeded  in  concentrating  his 
own  men,  —  all  this  while  accompanied  by  over  two 
thousand  ponies,  large  herds  of  cattle,  and  his  women 
and  children. 

Joseph  remained  quiet  waiting  Howard's  next  move. 
So  soon  as  he  got  his  little  army  in  hand  Howard,  with 
some  four  hundred  men,  mostly  cavalry,  with  a  small 
body  of  artillery,  and  some  mounted  infantry,  advanced 
to  attack  him.  Although  greatly  outnumbered  Joseph 
did  not  retreat.  He  had  chosen  his  position  on  the  bank 
of  the  Clearwater,  a  mountain  stream  with  steep  banks 
rising  to  level  plateaus  cut  by  deep  ravines.  On  the  banks 
of  the  river  he  had  thrown  up  some  rude  fortifications. 
When  Howard's  army  appeared,  Joseph  did  not  wait, 
but  instantly  attacked  him.  Though  his  force  was  small 
he  made  skilful  attempts  to  outflank  the  American  sol 
diers  and  nearly  succeeded.  Indeed,  only  the  timely 
arrival  of  reinforcements  prevented  the  capture  of 
Howard's  supply-train. 

The  night  of  July  nth  left  both  contestants  on  the 
field,  each  confident  that  the  morrow  would  give  him  the 
victory.  There  were  a  number  of  wounded  among  the 
soldiers,  and  their  condition  was  the  more  aggravated 
because  the  Indians  had  seized  the  only  spring  whence 
the  troops  could  get  water  while  the  Indians  held  the 
river.  The  fighting  during  the  day  had  been  fierce  and 
in  several  instances  hand-to-hand.  The  Indians  had 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces      17 

charged  directly  upon  the  troops  again  and  again  as 
before  led  by  Joseph  in  person.  He  seemed  to  bear  a 
charmed  life  for,  although  horses  were  killed  under 
him,  he  escaped  without  a  wound. 

The  Indian  fire  was  terribly  accurate  and  very  fatal, 
the  proportion  of  wounded  to  killed  being  about  two 
to  one.  "A  large  number  of  the  casualties  occurred  in 
the  short  time  before  each  man  had  protected  himself 
by  earth  thrown  up  with  his  trowel  bayonet.  At  one  point 
of  the  line,  one  man,  raising  his  head  too  high,  was  shot 
through  the  brain;  another  soldier,  lying  on  his  back 
and  trying  to  get  the  last  few  drops  of  warm  water  from 
his  canteen,  was  robbed  of  the  water  by  a  bullet  taking 
off  the  canteen's  neck  while  it  was  at  his  lips.  An  officer, 
holding  up  his  arm,  was  shot  through  the  wrist;  another, 
jumping  to  his  feet  for  an  instant,  fell  with  a  bullet 
through  the  breast."  * 

The  next  day  the  battle  was  renewed.  Howard,  by 
making  good  use  of  his  artillery,  succeeded  in  driving 
the  Indians  back  to  their  intrenchments.  Employing 
his  preponderance  of  force  he  concentrated  a  column 
under  Maj.  Marcus  P.  Miller,  which  he  launched 
against  the  Indian  left.  The  cavalry  charged  most  gal 
lantly,  and  in  spite  of  a  desperate  resistance  crossed  the 
ravine  and  turned  the  Indian  intrenchments,  taking 
them  in  reverse.  Joseph's  position  was  now  untenable. 
By  a  dashing  countercharge  he  checked  Miller,  and  by 
a  vigorous  resistance  he  held  off  Howard  so  that  he 
finally  brought  off  his  force  in  good  order.  Extricating 
himself  with  great  skill  he  retreated  up  the  river,  crossing 
it  at  Kamiah  Ford  where  he  halted  ready  for  further 
battle. 

*  Quotation  from  Col.  C.  E.  S.  Wood's  brilliant  article  in  the  Century  for  1884, 
by  permission  or1  the  publishers. — C.  T.  B. 


1 8  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

In  these  two  days  of  hard  fighting  the  troops  lost 
thirteen  killed  and  twenty-seven  wounded.  The  Nez 
Perces  lost  twenty-three  killed  and  forty-six  wounded. 
Forty  were  captured.  Although  defeated  Joseph  had  not 
lost  credit.  He  had  inflicted  serious  loss  upon  the  enemy. 
He  had  fought  a  two  days'  battle  against  a  force  out 
numbering  his  own  in  the  ratio  of  eight  to  five,  and  when 
defeated  had  withdrawn  in  good  order.  He  had  reestab 
lished  himself  in  another  formidable  position. 

General  Howard's  summary  of  the  campaign  thus 
far  is  both  just  and  generous:  "The  Indians  had  been 
well  led  and  well  fought.  They  had  defeated  two  com 
panies  in  a  pitched  battle.  They  had  eluded  pursuit,  and 
crossed  the  Salmon.  They  had  turned  back  and  crossed 
our  communications,  had  kept  our  cavalry  on  the  de 
fensive,  and  defeated  a  company  of  volunteers.  They 
had  been  finally  forced  to  concentrate,  it  is  true,  and 
had  been  brought  to  battle.  But,  in  battle  with  regular 
troops,  they  had  held  out  for  nearly  two  days  before 
they  were  beaten,  and  after  that  were  still  able  to  keep 
together,  cross  a  river  too  deep  to  be  forded,  and  then 
check  our  pursuing  cavalry  and  make  off  to  other  parts 
beyond  Idaho.  The  result  would  necessitate  a  long  and 
tedious  chase. 

"Still,  on  our  side,  the  Indians  had  been  stopped  in 
their  murders,  had  been  resolutely  met  everywhere,  and 
driven  into  position,  and  beaten;  and,  by  subsequent 
pursuit,  the  vast  country  was  freed  from  their  terrible 
presence." 

The  indefatigable  Howard  marched  up  the  Clear- 
water  in  pursuit,  and  finding  that  Joseph's  position  at 
Kamiah  could  not  successfully  be  attacked  in  front  he 
proceeded  past  him  to  Dunnell's  Ford,  intending  to  cross 
there  and  turn  by  the  right  flank  and  fall  upon  Joseph's 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     19 

rear.  Joseph  divined  this,  and  desiring  to  reorganize  his 
troops  and  prepare  for  a  desperate  venture  he  resorted 
to  stratagem  for  delay.  He  sent  word  to  Howard  that 
he  would  like  to  talk  with  him.  Howard  thereupon 
halted  at  Dunnell's  Ford  where  Joseph  sent  one  of  his 
warriors  to  talk  with  him,  playing  for  time ! 

Meanwhile,  the  Nez  Perces  made  every  preparation 
to  carry  out  the  momentous  decision  to  which  their  chief 
had  come.  Since  Idaho  had  become  too  hot  for  him, 
Joseph  determined  to  lead  his  people  across  the  moun 
tains  to  the  hunting-ground  in  Montana  and  thence 
to  that  haven  of  malcontent  Indians,  British  Columbia. 
Once  across  the  British  line  they  would  be  safe.  This 
involved  a  retreat  of  from  fifteen  hundred  to  two  thou 
sand  miles  with  a  certainty  of  pursuit.  It  meant  hard 
marching  and  harder  fighting.  It  was  a  desperate  reso 
lution,  but  perhaps  the  only  one  save  surrender  —  which 
he  did  not  consider  for  a  moment  —  to  which  the  great 
Nez  Perce  could  come. 

"Joseph's  last  appeal  was  to  call  a  council  in  the  dale, 
and  passionately  condemn  the  proposed  retreat  from 
Idaho.  'What  are  we  fighting  for  ?'  he  asked.  'Is  it  for 
our  lives  ?  No.  It  is  for  this  land  where  the  bones  of  our 
fathers  are  buried.  I  do  not  want  to  take  my  women 
among  strangers.  I  do  not  want  to  die  in  a  strange  land. 
Some  of  you  tried  to  say  once  that  I  was  afraid  of  the 
whites.  Stay  here  with  me  now  and  you  shall  have  plenty 
of  fighting.  We  will  put  our  women  behind  us  in  these 
mountains  and  die  on  our  own  land  fighting  for  them. 
I  would  rather  do  that  than  run  I  know  not  where.'"  * 

He  did  not  decide  upon  this  course  without  great  re 
luctance.  He  knew  that  he  was  leaving,  and  probably 
forever,  the  land  which  had  been  the  home  of  his  fathers. 

*  From  Colonel  Wood's  Century  article.—  C.  T.  B. 


2O  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Would  he  ever  come  back  to  it  ?  Would  he  ever  reach 
the  desired  haven  across  the  far-off  boundary  line  ? 

Howard  was  soon  convinced  that  Joseph  had  no  in 
tention  of  coming  in,  so  he  crossed  the  Clearwater  and 
struck  for  his  rear  in  accordance  with  his  plan.  If  he 
could  drive  Joseph  back  toward  the  Salmon  he  could 
get  him  eventually  by  surrounding  him  in  the  limited 
country  at  his  disposal  for  marching  and  righting.  His 
advance  was  delayed  at  Weippe  on  July  I7th  by  a  body 
of  Indians  whom  Joseph  had  thrown  forward  for  that 
purpose.  This  and  the  time  lost  in  the  negotiations  gave 
Joseph  the  start  he  wanted.  When  Howard  with  the  loss 
of  one  man  killed  and  one  wounded  had  dispersed  the 
Indians  at  Weippe  and  dashed  down  the  river  he  dis 
covered  that  Joseph  was  gone.  With  his  flocks  and  his 
herds,  his  women  and  his  children,  his  old  and  his  young, 
he  had  struck  the  famous  Lo-lo  Trail  and  was  hurrying 
northward  and  eastward  with  all  the  speed  he  could 
command. 

There  is  no  worse  trail  in  North  America  than  the 
Lo-lo.  At  times  it  straggled  over  huge  boulders  and 
jagged  ravines;  again  through  forests  primeval,  every 
foot  so  encumbered  with  prostrate  trees  as  to  be  well- 
nigh  impassable. 

The  following  description  of  the  trail  and  a  typical 
march  of  the  troops  over  it  is  from  the  pen  of  Captain 
Farrow: 

"The  ascent  of  the  heights  beyond  Kamiah  was  tedi 
ous  in  the  extreme.  It  was  raining  hard,  and  the  muddy, 
slippery  trail  was  almost  impassable,  filled  with  rugged 
rocks  and  fallen  timber.  The  descent  to  the  Lo-lo  Fork 
was  made  by  slipping,  crawling  and  scrambling  over 
rocks  and  through  thick  underbrush.  At  the  'We-ipe' 
was  an  opening  in  the  forest  with  water  and  grass.  Here 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     21 

was  a  camp  made  for  the  weary,  footsore  animals  and 
exhausted  men,  after  a  sixteen  mile  march  of  the  greatest 
severity. 

"The  trail  ahead  being  obstructed  by  fallen  trees  of 
all  sizes  and  descriptions,  uprooted  by  the  winds  and 
matted  together  in  every  possible  troublesome  way, 
a  company  of  forty  '  pioneers,'  with  axes,  was  organized 
and  sent  ahead  to  open  the  trail,  wherever  possible.  It 
is  true  that  the  Indians  had  gone  over  this  trail  ahead  of 
the  troops;  but  they  had  jammed  their  ponies  through, 
over  and  under  the  rocks,  around,  over  and  under  logs 
and  fallen  trees  and  through  the  densest  undergrowth, 
and  left  blood  to  mark  their  path,  with  abandoned  ani 
mals  with  broken  legs  or  stretched  dead  on  the  trail. 

"It  is  remarkable  that  the  average  daily  march  of 
sixteen  miles  was  made  over  the  Lo-lo  Trail,  when  we 
realize  the  necessity  of  climbing  ridge  after  ridge,  in  the 
wildest  wilderness,  the  only  possible  passageway  filled 
with  timber,  small  and  large,  crossed  and  crisscrossed. 
The  following,  from  the  record  of  August  2nd,  will  serve 
to  show  the  nature  of  these  daily  marches: 

"The  command  left  camp  at  seven  A.M.  Artillery 
at  head  of  column.  The  trail  led  through  woods  of  the 
same  general  character;  a  'slow  trail,'  owing  to  moun 
tainous  country  and  fallen  timber.  The  summit  of  the 
hills  was  covered  with  rough  granite  boulders,  making 
the  path  quite  difficult.  Our  men  travel  it  well,  and  are 
in  good  order.  We  march  sixteen  miles  and  encamp  on  a 
slope  of  the  mountain.  Poor  grazing;  the  only  feed 
consists  of  wild  dwarf  lupine  and  wire-grass.  Several 
mules  were  exhausted,  and  some  packs  of  bacon  were 
abandoned  by  the  way.  Dead  and  broken-down  Indian 
ponies  very  numerous  along  the  trail.  Camp  made 
about  four  P.M." 


22  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  Indian,  unlike  the  Arab,  has  no  affection  for  his 
horse.  An  Indian  can  get  more  out  of  a  horse  than  any 
other  man  on  earth,  because  he  doesn't  hesitate  to  kill 
him  in  the  process.  Joseph  had  enough  horses  to  re 
mount  his  tribe  several  times.  The  ponies  were  often 
ridden  until  they  dropped.  The  cavalry  in  pursuit  had 
no  remounts.  The  infantry  had  to  go  afoot.  That  How 
ard  was  able  to  keep  so  close  behind  the  Indians  is 
marvelous.  That  the  infantry  could  keep  up  is  even 
more  remarkable.  For  seventy-five  days  the  average 
per  diem  of  the  soldiers,  including  all  stops  and  halt- 
ages,  was  eighteen  miles.  On  one  occasion  the  cavalry 
marched  one  hundred  and  forty-five  miles  in  four  days. 
On  another  the  entire  command,  cavalry,  infantry,  and 
wagons,  seventy-five  miles  in  three  days. 

The  Indians  marched  greater  distances.  They  were 
forced  to  make  wide  detours  while  the  pursuers  followed 
direct  lines.  Yet  Joseph  managed  always  to  keep  two 
or  three  days  ahead  of  Howard. 

The  telegraph  had  been  busy  and  the  troops  in  the 
northern  detachments  were  being  made  ready  to  inter 
cept  the  Nez  Perces.  Captain  C.  C.  Rawn  commanded 
Fort  Missoula.  With  fifty  regulars  and  one  hundred 
citizen  volunteers  he  hastily  fortified  Lo-lo  Pass 
through  the  Coeur  d'Alenes.  When  Joseph  got  there  he 
demanded  free  passage  to  march  down  the  Bitter  Root 
Valley.  He  pledged  himself  to  commit  no  depredations 
if  the  permission  were  granted.  Rawn  refused  except 
on  condition  of  Indian  disarmament.  On  the  failure  of 
negotiations  Joseph,  on  July  28th,  made  a  tremendous 
demonstration  in  front  of  the  works  with  a  thin  skirmish- 
line,  while  he  led  the  rest  of  his  people  through  canons 
hitherto  impassable,  over  unheard  mountain  trails,  past 
the  flank  of  Rawn's  command  and  into  the  valley. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     23 

Learning  this  too  late  to  prevent  it  Rawn  hastily  moved 
back  on  his  rear-guard  which  was  already  slightly  en 
gaged.  The  citizens,  realizing  that  Joseph  had  no  in 
tention  of  molesting  them,  deserted  Rawn  and  there  was 
nothing  left  for  him  but  to  return  to  Missoula. 

Joseph  kept  his  word  although  there  was  no  obligation 
upon  him  to  do  so,  since  he  had  not  been  granted  free 
passage  but  had  forced  it.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Bitter 
Root  Valley  did  a  lucrative  business  with  the  Indians, 
who  were  thus  enabled  to  acquire  much-needed  supplies, 
including  guns  and  ammunition ! 

From  Helena,  Montana,  Gen.  John  Gibbon  started 
for  Missoula  with  a  portion  of  his  regiment,  the  Seventh 
Infantry.  By  hard  marching  he  reached  the  fort  August 
3rd.  With  one  hundred  and  forty-six  men,  seventeen 
officers,  and  thirty-four  citizen  volunteers,  he  started 
down  the  valley.  He  loaded  his  troops  in  wagons  and 
made  splendid  time  in  spite  of  bad  roads  and  mountain- 
ranges.  Joseph,  ignorant  of  the  approach  of  Gibbon, 
knowing  that  he  was  a  long  distance  ahead  of  Howard, 
moved  leisurely  and  had  no  scouts  out. 

On  the  8th  of  August,  Gibbon's  advance  discovered 
the  Indians.  At  ten  o'clock  at  night  Gibbon,  leaving  his 
wagons  and  his  one  piece  of  artillery  with  a  small  guard, 
started  for  the  camp.  He  reached  the  vicinity  about  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  Without  betraying  his  presence 
he  led  his  men  to  high  ground  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  from  the  camp.  Joseph  had  pitched  his  tepees  in  a 
meadow  on  the  south  side  of  the  Big  Hole  River.  The 
banks  of  the  river  were  covered  with  a  thick  growth  of 
willows  and  underbrush.  The  meadow  was  rolling  and 
the  farther  side  rose  in  hills  covered  with  trees.  The  tree 
clad  hills  bordered  the  river  on  the  north  side.  From 
Gibbon's  position  the  smoldering  fires  disclosed  the 


24  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

Indian  camp.  The  tepees  were  pitched  in  a  V-shape 
with  the  apex  westward.  Below  were  several  hundred 
ponies  grazing  and  on  the  hills  on  the  other  side  were 
large  herds. 

As  day  broke  the  soldiers  advanced.  Captains  Comba 
and  Sanno  deployed  their  men  and,  dropping  down  the 
bluffs,  waded  silently  through  the  river  flowing  breast- 
high.  Captains  Logan  and  Rawn  swung  to  the  right  to 
attack  the  Indians  on  the  left  flank.  Lieutenant  Bradley, 
supported  by  Captain  Williams,  moved  to  the  left  to 
cut  off  the  herd.  The  advance  was  made  in  perfect 
silence  until  one  of  the  herd  guards  detected  Bradley's 
movement.  He  fired  a  shot  and  gave  the  alarm.  Gibbon's 
orders  had  been  that  so  soon  as  the  first  shot  was  fired 
the  men  were  to  charge. 

Dashing  across  the  river  and  forcing  their  way  through 
the  undergrowth  they  fell  on  the  camp  like  a  storm.  The 
surprise  was  complete.  The  Indians  had  barely  time  to 
seize  their  weapons  and  fly.  In  twenty  minutes  after  the 
signal  was  given  the  camp  was  in  Gibbon's  hands. 

"The  soldiers  poured  into  the  camp,  firing  into  the 
tepees,  and,  in  the  gray  light,  shooting  indiscriminately 
everything  that  moved.  Naked  warriors,  with  only  their 
rifles  and  cartridge-belts,  ran  into  the  willows  and  to  the 
prairie  knolls  overlooking  the  camp  and  instantly  from 
these  positions  of  vantage  opened  a  telling  fire.  Women 
and  children,  roused  from  sleep,  ran  away  screaming 
with  terror,  or  surrounded  by  enemies,  begged  by  signs 
for  mercy.  (It  is  needless  to  say  that  no  women  or  chil 
dren  were  intentionally  killed.)  Some  few  women  armed 
themselves  in  desperation,  but  most  of  them  fled  or  hid 
under  the  overhanging  banks  of  the  creek  or  in  the 
bushes."  * 

*  From  Colonel  Wood's  Century  article. —  C.  T.  B. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Percys     25 

In  every  other  Indian  battle  which  I  have  considered 
such  a  surprise  meant  a  crushing  defeat  for  the  Indians 
and  the  destruction  of  the  camp.  Not  so  in  this  instance. 
Joseph,  White  Bird,  and  Looking  Glass  at  once  rallied 
their  men.  The  Indians  fled  to  the  thickets  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  and  the  wooded  knolls  and  bluffs  surround 
ing  the  camp.  Some  of  them  took  shelter  in  the  river 
itself.  Logan's  men,  having  crossed  the  river,  found  the 
Indians  on  their  backs.  The  battle  was  sharp  and 
furious.  The  casualties  on  both  sides  were  fearful.  Again 
and  again-  the  Indians  made  charges  on  the  soldiers  in 
the  village,  and  the  fighting  was  hand-to-hand.  Instead 
of  a  victory  Gibbon  found  that  he  was  fighting  for  life. 
The  Indian  riflemen  —  and  these  Indians  could  shoot 
straighter  than  any  on  the  continent  —  were  decimating 
his  men. 

Forming  his  command  in  two  lines  back-to-back, 
Gibbon  charged  through  the  undergrowth  in  both  direc 
tions.  The  Indians  retreated  a  short  distance  and  finally 
checked  the  charges  and  began  to  swarm  into  the 
meadow.  Gibbon  had  to  retire  or  be  cut  to  pieces.  He 
recrossed  the  river  and  took  position  on  a  wooded  knoll 
well  adapted  for  defense.  The  Nez  Perces  attacked  him 
furiously,  and  under  cover  of  their  own  fire  broke  camp 
and  sent  the  women,  children,  and  horses  to  the  south 
ward. 

The  fighting  raged  all  day.  Joseph  tried  every  device 
to  dislodge  the  soldiers.  He  set  fire  to  the  grass  and 
would  have  burned  them  out  had  not  a  fortunate  change 
of  wind  turned  the  fire  away  at  that  critical  moment. 
At  eleven  o'clock  at  night  Joseph  withdrew.  Gibbon  had 
lost  three  officers  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  Captain 
Logan  and  Lieutenants  Bradley  and  English.  Four 
officers  wounded,  including  himself,  Captain  Williams 


26  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

with  two  wounds,  and  Lieutenants  Coolidge  and  Wood 
ruff  with  three  each.  Twenty-one  soldiers  were  dead  and 
six  civilians.  There  were  thirty-one  soldiers  and  four 
civilians  wounded,  making  a  total  loss  out  of  one  hun 
dred  and  ninety  of  sixty-nine. 

During  the  day  the  wagon-train  was  attacked  by  a 
detachment.  The  howitzer  which  was  being  brought  up 
to  the  battle-field  was  captured,  one  of  the  detachment 
killed,  three  others  wounded.  The  howitzer  was  dis 
mantled  and  twenty-five  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition 
seized.  Gibbon  had  sent  messages  to  Howard  of  his 
predicament  and  on  the  I2th,  the  day  after  the  fighting, 
Howard  arrived  with  an  advance-party  of  fifty  of  his 
best  mounted  men.  Taking  with  him  a  number  of  volun 
teers  from  Gibbon's  command  Howard  pushed  on  after 
Joseph  while  Gibbon,  with  his  wounded,  returned  to 
Fort  Missoula. 

The  account  of  this  battle  given  to  General  Howard 
in  General  Gibbon's  own  words,  in  the  latter' s  camp,  is 
most  interesting:* 

"When  the  Nez  Perces  had  avoided  Rawn  with  his 
small  force,  in  the  Lo-lo,  they  ascended  the  Bitter  Root. 
At  first  they  traveled  slowly  enough,  delaying  to  trade 
with  inhabitants.  Wasn't  it  a  shame  in  those  Bitter 
Root  people  to  traffic  with  the  horrid  murderers,  giving 
them  fresh  horses,  and  all  sorts  of  provisions,  as  readily 
as  if  they  had  been  the  best  friends  in  the  world  ?  I  am 
glad  to  say  that  one  man  had  courage  enough  to  shut 
his  store  in  their  faces.  I  set  out  with  a  little  short  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  rifles,  on  the  4th  (August,  1879), 
from  Missoula,  using  wagons,  to  make  all  the  distance 
possible.  I  don't  think  we  could  have  got  through  to  this 

*  Quoted  from  General  Howard's  book,  "  Chief  Joseph,  His  Pursuit  and  Capture." 
— C.  T.  B. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     27 

place,  if  I  hadn't  been  most  lucky  in  running  across 
Mr.  Blodget,  a  frontiersman,  who  had  piloted  wagons 
over  this  country  before.  The  packs  were  on  hand,  if  we 
had  failed  with  the  wagon-train.  Wasn't  it  a  rough  road, 
though  ?  It  took  us  a  long  time  to  get  over  the  divides, 
but  in  the  bottoms  we  made  grand  time. 

"We  ran  across  a  number  of  the  Indians'  camps,  and 
they  made  some  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  a  day;  so  that,  by 
doubling  on  them,  I  knew  I  would,  in  time,  catch  up. 
But  we  were  delayed  beyond  measure  at  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Our  men  had  to  draw  the  wagons  up  with 
ropes.  It  took  us  hours  to  get  to  the  top.  Well,  we  ac 
complished  it,  and  worked  our  way  down  this  slope, 
into  Big  Hole;  rested  a  while;  then  leaving  a  small  de 
tachment,  three  or  four  miles  back,  with  the  howitzer, 
where  you  saw  the  camp,  with  the  remainder  I  came  on, 
slowly  and  silently,  under  cover  of  the  night.  We  heard 
the  sound  of  Indian  ponies  on  the  next  spur,  over  there, 
to  my  left.  Pushing  along  quietly  between  them  and  the 
bottom,  we  at  last  discovered  the  Indian  lodges. 

"Here  I  halted  my  command,  for  it  was  altogether 
too  dark  to  move  to  the  attack.  We  could  catch  sounds 
from  the  tepees;  occasionally  a  dog  would  bark,  or 
a  child  cry;  but,  evidently,  our  presence  was  not  dis 
covered. 

"  On  the  edge  of  the  bottom,  I  deployed  my  companies 
into  line,  putting  the  citizens  on  the  left,  for  quite  a  num 
ber  of  them  had  volunteered  to  come  on  and  help  us. 
You  notice  the  big  sloughs  there  beside  the  creek !  The 
willows  are  thicker  in  spots.  The  command  now  moved 
forward  rapidly;  but  the  Indians  discovered  the  attack 
as  soon  as  we  had  started,  and  several  of  them  put  them 
selves  across  this  creek,  into  that  bend,  and,  using  the 
bank  as  cover,  opened  fire.  Some  of  our  men  swept  past 


28  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

these,  and  through  the  tepees,  driving  the  Indians  be 
fore  them.* 

"At  first  we  had  passed  the  low  ground,  and  had 
taken  the  camp,  and  appeared  to  have  carried  every 
thing;  but  I  soon  found  that  the  Indians  had  not  given 
up.  Some  were  in  the  willows,  working  as  skirmishers; 
some  rallied  up  yonder  on  the  hill,  and  started  across 
the  bottom  to  retake  their  herd,  while  others  got  be 
hind  the  trees  and  rocks,  and  were  picking  off  our  men, 
one  by  one,  and  you  know,  we  couldn't  well  spare  any. 
Some  of  my  officers  were  wounded  already,  and  myself 
among  the  number. 

"At  last  I  ordered  the  move  back  to  this  side,  and 
we  took  this  wooded  point.  Here  we  were  a  good  deal 
exposed  to  the  sharp-shooters,  and  several  officers  were 
wounded,  but  we  drove  them  back,  defeated  every  at 
tempt  to  assault  our  camp,  and  inflicted  great  loss  upon 
the  Indians.  Of  course  they  yelled,  crept  up  close  at 
times,  fired,  and  set  the  grass  on  fire,  but  all  that  time 
we  were  digging  those  trenches,  and  barricading,  giving 
to  the  hostiles  as  good  as  they  sent. 

"Next  day,  until  night,  parties  of  them  were  lurking 
about,  between  me  and  my  train.  The  attempt  to  fetch 
up  the  howitzer  brought  on  a  severe  skirmish,  and  the 
howitzer  was  lost;  but  that  night  (evening  of  the  I oth) 
the  last  of  them  gave  us  a  sharp  volley,  about  eleven 
o'clock,  and  cleared  out.  And  here  you  find  us,  some 
killed,  many  wounded,  but  in  no  way  discouraged. " 

Eighty-nine  dead  Indians  were  left  on  the  field,  a 
number  of  them  beingwomen  and  children.  Among  them 

*  "He  pointed  to  where  women,  during  the  battle,  with  their  little  ones  in  their  arms, 
had  waded  into  the  deep  water  to  avoid  the  firing;  and  told  me  how  it  touched  his  heart 
when  two  or  three  extended  their  babies  toward  him,  and  looked  as  pleasant  and  wistful 
as  they  could  for  his  protection;  this  was  while  the  balls  were  whistling  through  the 
willows  near  by." —  GENERAL  HOWARD. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     29 

was  Looking  Glass.  The  honors  of  the  fight  were  with 
Joseph.  That  he  was  not  annihilated  after  the  surprise 
was  wonderful.  Joseph  crossed  the  Bitter  Root  Moun 
tains  into  Idaho  again  and  made  his  way  westward  over 
Camas  Meadows.  He  succeeded  in  getting  two  hundred 
and  fifty  fresh  horses  here  with  which  to  remount  his 
people.  On  the  2Oth  of  August,  Howard,  believing  him 
self  to  be  only  one  day  behind  Joseph,  halted  to  give 
some  rest  to  his  exhausted  men.  He  had  sent  a  detach 
ment  under  Lieutenant  Bacon  to  seize  Thacher's  Pass, 
the  entrance  into  the  Yellowstone  Park,  for  which  he 
believed  the  Indians  were  heading.  Bacon,  traveling 
on  inside  lines,  reached  the  pass  in  plenty  of  time;  but 
seeing  no  Indians,  after  waiting  a  couple  of  days  con 
cluded  to  rejoin  the  main  body  and  marched  away, 
leaving  the  pass  open. 

Joseph  had  no  mind  to  enter  it  without  crossing  swords 
with  Howard  again.  He  knew  of  the  absence  of  Bacon's 
detachment.  Forming  forty  of  his  men  in  a  column 
of  fours  he  boldly  advanced  toward  the  camp,  trusting 
that  they  would  be  mistaken  for  Bacon's  detachment. 
The  sentry,  completely  deceived  by  the  soldierlike  ap 
pearance  of  the  approaching  column  in  the  darkness, 
allowed  them  to  draw  near  before  he  challenged  and 
gave  the  alarm.  The  Indians  immediately  deployed 
and  dashed  for  the  herd  into  which  daring  Indian  scouts 
had  already  penetrated.  Fortunately  for  Howard  the 
cavalry-horses  had  been  picketed  for  the  night  and  only 
the  pack-mules  were  stampeded.  They  were  driven  off 
under  cover  of  a  terrific  fire  upon  the  camp  from  the 
mounted  Indians. 

Howard  immediately  ordered  his  cavalry  in  pursuit 
of  Joseph.  The  Indians  retreated  rapidly  until  the  pur 
suing  troops  fell  into  a  cunningly  contrived  ambush. 


30  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  Indians  attacked  them  in  the  center  and  on  both 
flanks  amid  some  rocky  lava-beds  to  the  northward  of 
the  road.  So  sudden  was  the  attack  that  the  cavalry 
retreated  post-haste.  Norwood's  company  was  not  able 
to  get  off  with  the  others  and  was  surrounded.  Fortu 
nately  they  were  caught  in  a  strong  defensive  position. 
The  men  dismounted  and  made  a  gallant  fight  of  it 
until  Howard  came  to  their  relief  with  the  main  body. 
Some  of  the  mules  were  recaptured,  but  were  not  re 
tained,  and  the  command,  as  the  result  of  this  brilliant 
midnight  dash,  found  itself  without  a  pack-train.  As 
Joseph  phrased  it,  he  was  tired  of  having  General 
Howard  on  his  heels  and  he  wanted  "to  put  him  afoot." 
He  nearly  succeeded  in  his  purpose. 

Howard  was  forced  to  halt  until  he  could  supply  the 
mules  that  he  had  lost  and  get  supplies  from  Virginia 
City  for  his  men  who  were  by  this  time  in  a  state  of 
destitution.  Joseph  marched  through  Yellowstone  Park 
over  trails  hitherto  considered  impassable.  He  sur 
prised  a  party  of  tourists  there,  killed  or  wounded  the 
men  and  captured  the  women.  The  women  were  well 
treated  and  finally  released  unharmed.  Joseph  feared 
they  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  young  braves. 
So  by  his  direction  White  Bird  led  them  secretly  to  their 
ponies,  mounted  them  and  assisted  in  their  escape.  He 
dismissed  them  with  these  words,  "  Go.  That  is  the  way. 
Do  not  stop  to  water  your  horses.  Hurry !  Hurry !" 

Howard  was  soon  on  the  trail  again.  Where  Joseph 
had  gone  he  could  go,  what  the  Nez  Perces  had  sur 
mounted  the  soldiers  could  overcome.  He  was  close  on 
Joseph's  track  when  the  Nez  Perces  entered  Wyoming. 
oseph    delayed    him    by   burning    Baronet's    Bridge 
over  the  Clarke  Fork  of  the  Yellowstone  and  entered 
Montana. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     31 

Captain  Farrow  thus  describes  the  march  through 
the  Yellowstone  country : 

"August  23rd,  the  command  was  nearing  the  head 
waters  of  the  Snake  River  and  camped  in  a  beautiful 
glade  between  the  Snake  and  a  small  tributary.  Here 
preparations  were  made  for  an  early  and  forced  march 
to  'Thatcher's  Pass,'  the  entrance  to  the  Yellowstone 
country,  hoping  to  force  the  Indians,  only  a  few  miles 
ahead,  to  battle  before  they  could  enter  the  pass.  Lieu 
tenant  Bacon  and  his  party,  on  arrival  two  days  pre 
viously  at  Henry  Lake,  which  was  in  plain  sight  of 
Thatcher's  Pass,  not  seeing  any  Indians,  had  turned 
back  and  took  up  a  stern  chase  to  overtake  the  com 
mand.  The  exhausted  troops  went  into  camp  at  Henry 
Lake  for  four  days,  and  supplies  and  some  fresh  stock 
were  rushed  from  Virginia  City,  seventy  miles  away. 
Then,  on  the  morning  of  August  2yth,  the  command, 
by  a  brisk  movement,  passed  around  Henry  Lake,  on 
through  the  mountain  gorge  to  fields  of  danger  and  suf 
fering  still  unknown. 

"Here  began  the  march  through  the  rough  western 
gateway  into  the  National  Park.  For  the  first  three  days 
a  most  pleasant  change  was  afforded  by  the  beautiful 
mountain  streams,  lengthy  openings,  grassy  bottoms, 
and  numerous  'buttes,'  beautifully  dressed  with  trees. 
Then  came  the  magnificent  geyser  landscape,  with  its 
vast  seas  of  barren  sulphur-crust. 

"Here  a  party  of  tourists  had  been  surprised  and 
taken  by  the  Indians.  In  this  party  were  the  wife 
of  Mr.  Cowan  and  her  sister  and  brother.  These 
were  spared  by  Joseph  and  under  protection  were 
sent  to  the  pursuing  column.  Two  of  the  men  in  the 
party  attempted  to  escape  from  the  Indians.  One 
was  killed,  but  Mr.  Cowan  and  a  Mr.  Oldham,  left 


32  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

unconscious,  recovered  and  found  their  way  into 
camp. 

"A  picket-post  was  established  on  a  woody  height, 
a  little  south  of  the  camp.  From  this  point,  a  barren 
sulphur  plain  stretched  to  the  south,  filled  with  beauti 
ful  mounds  and  water-spouts,  many  of  them  throwing 
immense  jets  of  water  high  into  the  air.  These  strange 
phenomena  were  witnessed  and  investigated  by  the 
officers  and  men  with  much  delight.  One  of  the  most 
curious  results  of  the  intense  chemical  actions  in  prog 
ress  were  numerous  muddy  fermentations  of  various 
colors,  from  clayey  white,  through  various  shades  of  red, 
purple  and  brown,  to  black.  There  was  no  end  of  sur 
prises  in  this  wonderful  country. 

"Following  the  Indians'  crooked  trail,  the  command 
ascended  a  steep  and  difficult  mountain,  bristled  with 
forests  of  small  trees.  Numerous  forest  fires  had  swept 
over  these  trees  and  had  killed  and  hardened  them. 
After  a  laborious  zigzag  climb,  the  top  of  this  moun 
tain  was  reached  and  camp  made  just  beyond  Mary 
Lake,  a  beautiful  sheet  of  water  on  the  very  mountain- 
top. 

"Joseph  crossed  the  Yellowstone  and  went  up  the 
river  toward  the  Yellowstone  Lake  and  then  proceeded 
along  a  tributary  creek  in  the  direction  of  Stinking 
Water  River;  and  then,  turning  squarely  to  the  left  (be 
cause  the  prairie  ahead  of  him  was  on  fire  and  burning), 
made  his  way  through  a  dense  and  tangled  forest. 
General  Howard  took  a  course  on  the  Chord  of  the  Arc 
traveled  by  the  Indians  and  thus  saved  nearly  one 
hundred  miles.  He  abandoned  his  wagorifc  and  with  a 
pack-train  proceeded  over  fearful  steeps,  through 
Devil's  Canon,  across  deep  and  rough  ravines,  to 
Baronet's  Bridge  on  the  Yellowstone.  At  this  point 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     33 

the  hostile  Indians  were  abreast  of  the  troops  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Yellowstone. 

"The  Indians  had  burnt  a  portion  of  Baronet's 
Bridge,  a  light  structure  across  the  Yellowstone  torrent. 
This  bridge  was  repaired  in  a  few  hours  by  the  troops, 
bringing  into  requisition  all  the  lumber  which  constitut 
ed  Mr.  Baronet's  small  house,  which  stood  a  few  hun 
dred  yards  away,  on  Joseph's  side  of  the  river.  This  was 
a  shaky  structure,  fifty  feet  above  the  torrent,  with 
slight  intermediary  support,  as  patched  up  by  the  im 
provised  bridgemen.  The  command  crossed  in  safety, 
and  proceeded  down  the  river  twenty  miles  to  Mam 
moth  Falls,  finding  abundant  evidence  of  murder  and 
rapine  all  along  the  way. 

"At  Mammoth  Falls,  it  was  learned  that  Lieutenant 
Gilbert,  with  two  companies  of  cavalry,  had  been  there 
a  few  hours  before;  but  the  proximity  of  the  hostile 
Indians  and  want  of  knowledge  of  the  whereabouts  of 
General  Howard's  command,  caused  him  to  make  a 
remarkable  detour,  finally  striking  General  Howard's 
trail  one  hundred  miles  in  his  rear.  He  made  a  stern 
chase  after  General  Howard  until  his  horses  were  ex 
hausted,  and  then,  in  weariness,  turned  back  to  Fort 
Ellis." 

The  Seventh  Cavalry  was  in  the  field.  Six  companies 
of  it  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Sturgis  endeavored 
to  head  off  Joseph.  Sturgis  threw  himself  across  Joseph's 
route  so  that  the  Nez  Perces  were  between  him  and 
Howard.  Joseph,  however,  outwitted  Sturgis.  Feinting 
flight  along  the  Stinking  Water  River  when  Sturgis 
rushed  after  him  in  hot  pursuit,  Joseph  by  a  forced 
march  through  a  dense  forest,  which  concealed  his 
movements,  avoided  him  and  crossed  the  Yellowstone, 
escaping  from  between  the  two. 


34.  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Sturgis  soon  found  that  he  had  been  tricked  and  turn 
ing  pursued  the  Nez  Perce  with  all  the  speed  of  his 
fresh  horses.  He  came  up  with  him  on  the  I3th  of  Sep 
tember  at  Canon  Creek  and  at  once  attacked  him  with 
three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  The  troops  advanced  most 
gallantly.  The  Indians  occupied  the  ridges  on  either  side 
of  the  canon,  from  which  they  were  driven  by  a  series  of 
magnificent  charges.  Every  step  of  the  retreat,  however, 
was  marked  by  hard  fighting  for  delay,  and  when  night 
fell  Joseph  again  succeeded  in  making  his  escape.  The 
soldiers  lost  three  killed  and  eleven  wounded.  Twenty- 
one  Nez  Perces  were  killed  and,  most  serious  loss, 
Sturgis  captured  nine  hundred  ponies.  But  Sturgis  had 
shot  his  bolt.  His  men  and  horses  were  in  a  state  of  com 
plete  exhaustion.  He  could  pursue  no  farther. 

Away  off  to  the  eastward  at  Fort  Keogh  was  General 
Miles  with  detachments  of  the  Fifth  Infantry  and  the 
Second  and  Seventh  Cavalry.  Messengers  were  sped  to 
him  from  Howard  and  Sturgis,  detailing  the  escape  of 
the  Nez  Perces  and  suggesting  that  he  march  to  intercept 
them.  In  order  to  give  him  time  to  catch  Joseph,  Howard 
and  Sturgis  deliberately  delayed  their  pursuit,  knowing 
from  experience  that  the  great  Nez  Perce  would  keep 
just  so  far  ahead  of  them. 

Joseph  moved  forward  leisurely  with  the  remnant  of 
his  tribe.  On  the  23rd  of  September  he  crossed  the  Mis 
souri  at  Cow  Island,  the  head  of  low-water  navigation 
and  a  large  freight  depot.  Twelve  men  and  a  sergeant 
in  a  small  fort  guarded  the  place.  Joseph  destroyed  a 
wagon-train,  and  after  replenishing  his  stores,  burned 
the  rest  of  the  freight  at  the  station.  The  fort  was  stoutly 
defended,  although  three  of  the  garrison  were  killed  in  an 
attack  upon  it.  Joseph  wasted  no  time  over  it  and  at  once 
moved  northward.  On  this  march,  Major  Ilges,  with  a 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces      35 

troop  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  came  down  from  Fort 
Benton  by  steamer  and  came  in  touch  with  him.  Joseph 
easily  repulsed  his  small  force  and  after  a  slight  loss 
Ilges  wisely  retired. 

Joseph  finally  halted  on  Snake  Creek  on  the  north 
slope  of  the  Bear  Paw  Mountains  within  a  short  dis 
tance  of  the  boundary  line.  It  would  have  been  quite 
easy  for  him  to  cross  the  line  and  thus  make  good  his 
escape.  Yet  his  men  and  horses  were  tired  beyond  meas 
ure.  He  had  many  wounded.  Hunting  was  good.  He 
determined  to  rest  there. 

By  this  time  Howard  and  Sturgis  had  been  left  far  in 
the  rear.  Joseph  knew  that  he  had  nothing  to  apprehend 
from  them.  He  was  ignorant  of  Miles'  expedition.  He 
made  his  great  mistake  by  not  having  scouts  scouring 
the  country  in  all  directions,  in  which  case  he  might 
have  given  the  pursuing  soldiers  the  slip  and  crossed  the 
boundary  line. 

Miles  had  with  him  two  troops  of  the  Second  Cavalry, 
three  of  the  Seventh,  four  companies  of  the  Fifth  In 
fantry  mounted  on  captured  Indian  ponies,  a  Catling 
and  a  twelve  pound  Napoleon  cannon  and  a  wagon-train, 
with  two  unmounted  companies  of  the  Fifth  Infantry  as 
a  guard.  He  moved  with  great  rapidity  from  Fort  Keogh 
to  the  junction  of  the  Mussel  Shell  and  the  Missouri. 
He  believed  that  the  Indians  were  south  of  the  latter 
river,  but  learned  that  they  had  crossed  at  Cow  Island 
some  eighty  miles  to  the  westward  a  short  time  before. 
Fortunately  he  had  detained  the  last  steamer  of  the 
season.  By  means  of  this  his  troops  were  ferried  across 
the  river  on  the  25th  of  September.  He  marched  north 
and  then  westward  along  the  north  slope  of  the  Little 
Rockies,  heading  toward  the  Bear  Paw  Mountains  where 
he  had  learned  Joseph  had  halted.  At  2:30  A.M.,  on  the 


36  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

3rd  of  October,  he  broke  camp  and  started  for  the  mouth 
of  Snake  Creek.  A  few  hours  later  his  scouts  apprised 
him  of  the  location  of  Joseph's  camp  which  was  some 
six  or  eight  miles  farther  on. 

The  weather  was  extremely  stormy  and  inclement. 
"My  God!"  exclaimed  Captain  Hale  as  they  stopped 
to  get  in  shape  for  the  last  dash,  "have  I  got  to  go  out 
ana  be  killed  in  such  cold  weather !"  The  men  were  in 
excellent  spirits.  The  march  was  taken  up  at  a  trot  which 
soon  became  a  gallop.  In  high  glee  they  raced  along. 
Early  in  the  morning  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Indian 
camp.  It  was  spread  along  a  crescent-shaped  ravine 
from  which  a  number  of  lateral  ravines  opened,  and  the 
whole  position  was  dominated  by  high  bluffs.  Miles  de 
ployed  his  troops  on  the  run.  A  battalion  of  the  Second 
Cavalry  was  ordered  to  swing  to  the  left  and  cut  off  the 
herds  which  were  grazing  on  a  high  plateau  behind  the 
camp.  The  Seventh  Cavalry  supported  by  the  Fifth 
Infantry  was  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon  the  camp. 

The  surprise  was  not  complete.  The  troops  came  into 
view  in  time  for  the  Indians  to  prepare  for  them.  The 
inequalities  of  the  ground  caused  the  Second  Cavalry 
to  incline  to  the  left  farther  than  was  intended.  They 
were  not  seriously  engaged,  but  succeeded  in  getting 
possession  of  the  greater  part  of  the  horses.  The  three 
troops  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  became  separated  in  the 
advance.  Captain  Hale  leading  the  battalion  with  K 
Troop  struck  the  enemy  first.  The  slaughter  among  his 
men  was  frightful.  Captains  Godfrey  and  Moylan  found 
further  progress  checked  by  a  high  bluff  lined  with  fire 
which  they  could  not  scale.  The  two  captains  promptly 
moved  their  troops  to  the  rear  and  then  marched  them 
by  the  right  flank  to  join  K  Troop.  Godfrey,  keeping 
between  his  men  and  the  Indians,  had  his  horse  shot 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     37 

under  him.  The  animal  fell  so  suddenly  that  he  pitched 
the  officer  on  the  ground  where  he  lay  stunned.  Trum 
peter  Herwood  left  the  line  and  interposed  between 
Godfrey  and  the  advancing  Indians  until  the  prostrate 
soldier  could  scramble  to  his  feet.  Moylan  was  severely 
wounded.  By  this  time  the  two  troops  had  joined  Hale, 
and  the  whole  party,  save  the  officer,  dismounted  and 
advanced.  They  got  within  twenty  yards  of  the  Indians. 
Hale  was  shot  and  instantly  killed  —  yes,  on  that  cold 
morning !  Godfrey  was  shot  from  his  horse.  Lieutenant 
Biddle  was  killed.  In  that  fierce  battle  there  was  but  one 
officer  of  the  battalion,  Lieutenant  Eckestrom,  unwound- 
ed.  The  battalion  lost  fifty-three  killed  and  wounded 
out  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen.  K  Troop's  loss  was  over 
sixty  per  cent. 

But  the  men  held  on  and  drove  the  Indians  back  to 
the  ravines  behind  the  camp.  By  this  time  the  Fifth  In 
fantry  had  got  into  action  and  also  the  Second  Cavalry 
and  the  battle  was  general.  The  troops  made  several 
charges,  but  could  not  rush  the  camp.  By  contracting 
their  lines,  however,  they  drove  the  Indians  closer  and 
closer  together.  The  position  was  splendidly  defensible, 
and  Miles,  after  making  several  attempts  to  dislodge  the 
Nez  Perces,  in  which  Carter's  company  of  the  Fifth  In 
fantry  lost  over  thirty-five  per  cent,  concluded  that  he 
would  have  to  starve  them  out.  White  Bird  and  a  number 
of  others,  estimated  from  twenty  to  fifty,  succeeded  in 
making  their  escape.  They  crossed  into  British  Columbia 
and  joined  Sitting  Bull. 

Miles'  position  was  precarious.  Sitting  Bull  with  two 
thousand  Indians  was  only  a  day's  march  to  the  north 
of  him.  If  he  could  be  persuaded  to  join  Joseph  the  situa 
tion  would  be  terrible.  Sitting  Bull,  however,  had  had 
enough  of  Miles  and  refused.  The  artillery  was  brought 


38  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

up  and  the  Indian  camp  was  shelled  with  fearful  effect. 
Miles  sent  word  to  Howard  that  he  had  Joseph  corralled 
at  last  and  that  gallant  officer  dashed  off  with  a  few  men 
and  joined  Miles  on  the  3rd  of  October.  The  weather 
was  very  cold  and  snowy  and  both  sides  suffered  severely. 
Joseph  afterward  stated  that  he  could  have  escaped 
if  he  had  abandoned  his  women,  children,  and  wounded. 
Unwilling  to  do  this  there  was  nothing  left  him  but  sur 
render,  fle  gave  up  the  unequal  game  on  the  4th  of 
October.  Surely  he  had  fought  a  good  fight !  In  the  battle 
Miles  had  lost  twenty-four  killed  and  fifty  wounded,  or 
over  twenty  per  cent  of  his  force.  Joseph  had  lost  seven 
teen  killed.  He  surrendered  eighty-seven  warriors,  of 
whom  forty  were  wounded,  one  hundred  and  eighty-four 
squaws,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  children.  This 
was  his  pathetic  message  to  General  Howard: 

Tell  General  Howard  that  I  know  his  heart.  What  he  told  me 
before  —  I  have  it  in  my  heart.  I  am  tired  of  fighting.  Our  chiefs  are 
killed.  Looking  Glass  is  dead.  Too-bul-hul-suit  is  dead.  The  old  men 
are  all  dead.  It  is  the  young  men  now,  who  say  "yes"  or  "no"  [that 
is,  vote  in  council].  He  who  led  the  young  men  [Joseph's  brother 
Ollicut]  is  dead.  It  is  cold,  and  we  have  no  blankets.  The  little  children 
are  freezing  to  death.  My  people  —  some  of  them  —  have  run  away 
to  the  hills,  and  have  no  blankets,  no  food.  No  one  knows  where  they 
are  —  perhaps  freezing  to  death.  I  want  to  have  time  to  look  for  my 
children,  and  to  see  how  many  of  them  I  can  find;  maybe  I  shall  find 
them  among  the  dead.  Hear  me,  my  chiefs,  my  heart  is  sick  and  sad. 
From  where  the  sun  now  stands,  I  will  fight  no  more  forever. 

Colonel  Wood  thus  describes  the  scene  and  pictures 
the  great  chieftain: 

"It  was  nearly  sunset  when  Joseph  came  to  deliver 
himself  up.  He  rode  from  his  camp  in  the  little  hollow. 
His  hands  were  clasped  over  the  pommel  of  his  saddle 
and  his  rifle  lay  across  his  knees;  his  head  was  bowed 


Maj.-Gen.  O.  O.  Howard,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired) 


Chief  Joseph  Surrenders  to  Gen.  Miles 
From  where  the  sun  now  stands  I  fight  no  more  with  the  white 


man 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Percys      39 

down.  Pressing  around  him  walked  five  of  his  warriors; 
their  faces  were  upturned  and  earnest  as  they  murmured 
to  him;  but  he  looked  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left, 
yet  seemed  to  listen  intently.  So  the  little  group  came 
slowly  up  the  hill  to  where  General  Howard,  with  an 
aide-de-camp,  and  General  Miles  waited  to  receive  the 
surrender.  As  he  neared  them,  Joseph  sat  erect  in  the 
saddle,  then  gracefully  and  with  dignity  swung  himself 
down  from  his  horse,  and  with  an  impulsive  gesture 
threw  his  arm  to  its  full  length  and  offered  his  rifle  to 
General  Howard.  The  latter  motioned  him  toward 
General  Miles,  who  received  the  token  of  submission. 

"  Those  present  shook  hands  with  Joseph,  whose  worn 
and  anxious  face  lighted  with  a  sad  smile  as  silently 
he  took  each  offered  hand.  Then,  turning  away,  he 
walked  to  the  tent  provided  for  him. 

"  His  scalp-lock  was  tied  with  otter  fur.  The  rest  of  his 
hair  hung  in  a  thick  plait  on  each  side  of  his  head.  He 
wore  buckskin  leggings  and  a  gray  woolen  shawl, 
through  which  were  the  marks  of  four  or  five  bullets 
received  in  this  last  conflict.  His  head  and  wrist  were 
also  scratched  with  bullets." 

Perhaps  one  of  the  truest  tests  of  greatness  is  ability 
to  bear  worthily  defeat.  By  any  standard  Joseph  acquit 
ted  himself  well  in  this  his  most  trying  hour. 

Joseph,  whose  force  never  amounted  to  three  hun 
dred  fighting  men,  had  engaged  at  different  times  some 
two  thousand  soldiers.  Of  these  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  had  been  killed  and  one  hundred  and  forty  wounded. 
During  the  long  retreat  and  the  hard  fighting  Joseph 
had  lost  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  killed  and  eighty- 
eight  wounded.  He  had  fought  eleven  engagements,  five 
being  pitched  battles,  of  which  he  had  won  three, 
drawn  one  and  lost  one.  Some  of  the  troops  in  pursuit 


4-Q  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  him  had  marched  sixteen  hundred  miles.  His  own 
march  had  been  at  least  two  thousand  miles.  This  con 
stitutes  a  military  exploit  of  the  first  magnitude  and 
justly  entitled  the  great  Indian  to  take  rank  among  the 
great  Captains. 

Joseph  claimed,  and  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  facts, 
that  General  Miles  agreed  that  the  remnant  of  the  Nez 
Perces  should  be  returned  to  Idaho.  How  did  the  United 
States  keep  that  promise?  It  repudiated  it  entirely! 
Joseph  and  his  band  were  sent  down  to  Fort  Leaven- 
worth.  I  saw  them  often  during  the  winter.  In  the  spring 
they  were  given  the  unhealthiest  reservation  in  the  In 
dian  Territory.  These  were  mountain  Indians,  not  used 
to  the  hot  malarious  climate  of  low  lands  and  low  lati 
tudes.  They  died  like  sheep.  Joseph  protested  in  vain. 
To  the  everlasting  credit  of  General  Miles  he  also  used 
his  powerful  influence  in  order  to  have  the  tardy  Gov 
ernment  keep  faith  with  its  poor  captives.  It  was  not  until 
1885  that  the  Indians  were  sent  back  to  their  beloved 
mountain  home. 

The  other  day  a  gray-headed  old  chief,  nodding  by 
the  fire,  dreaming  perhaps  of  days  of  daring  and  deeds 
of  valor,  by  which,  savage  though  he  was,  he  had  written 
his  name  on  the  pages  of  history,  slipped  quietly  to  the 
ground  and  fell  into  his  eternal  sleep.  Peaceful  ending 
for  the  Indian  Xenophon,  the  Red  Napoleon  of  the  West ! 

In  reviewing  this  remarkable  campaign,  General 
Howard  said :  * 

"I  was  sent  to  conduct  a  war  without  regard  to  der 
partment  and  division  lines.  This  was  done  with  all  the 
energy,  ability  and  help  at  my  command,  and  the  cam 
paign  was  brought  to  a  successful  issue.  As  soon  as  the 
Indians  reached  General  Terry's  department,  Gibbon 

*  Op.  cit.,  p.  171,  et  seq.—  C.  T.  B. 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     41 

was  despatched  to  strike  his  blow;  then  Sturgis,  in  close 
alliance,  and,  finally,  Miles,  in  the  last  terrible  battle. 
These  troops  participated  in  the  struggle  with  exposure, 
battle,  and  loss,  as  we  have  seen.  They  enjoyed  the  ap 
preciation  and  thanks  of  their  seniors  in  command,  and 
of  their  countrymen.  But  when,  with  the  fullness  of  an 
honest  and  generous  recognition  of  the  work,  gallantry, 
losses,  and  success  of  all  cooperating  forces,  I  turn  my 
attention  to  the  troops  that  fought  the  first  battle,  and 
then  pursued  the  swift -footed  fugitives  with  unparalleled 
vigor  and  perseverance,  amid  the  severest  privations, 
far  more  than  a  thousand  miles,  would  it  be  wonderful 
if  I  magnified  their  doings,  and  gave  them,  were  it 
possible,  even  an  overplus  of  praise  for  the  part  they 
bore  in  this  campaign  ? 

"At  the  obstructing  barricades  in  Montana,  which 
were  dangerous  to  pass,  Looking  Glass  appeared  as  the 
diplomat.  He  succeeded  by  his  ability  in  deceiving  the 
commander  of  the  defenses,  and  brought  past  the  hin 
dering  works  Joseph's  whole  people  in  complete  safety. 
He  was  killed  and  buried  under  the  river-bank  at 
Gibbon's  battle-field  in  Montana. 

"After  Gibbon's  battle,  Joseph  showed  his  influence 
over  the  Indians  by  rallying  them  on  a  height,  just  be 
yond  the  reach  of  the  long-range  rifles.  He  gathered  the 
warriors,  recovered  lost  ground,  and  recaptured  his 
numerous  herd  of  ponies,  which  had  already  been  cut 
off  by  Gibbon's  men,  buried  the  most  of  his  dead,  and 
made  good  his  retreat  before  the  force  with  me  was  near 
enough  to  harm  him.  Few  military  commanders,  with 
good  troops,  could  better  have  recovered  after  so  fearful 
a  surprise. 

"At  the  Camas  Meadows,  not  far  from  Henry  Lake, 
Joseph's  night  march,  his  surprise  of  my  camp  and 


42  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

capture  of  over  a  hundred  animals,  and,  after  a  slight 
battle,  making  a  successful  escape,  showed  an  ability 
to  plan  and  execute  equal  to  that  of  many  a  partisan 
leader  whose  deeds  have  entered  into  classic  story. 

"Again,  his  quick  penetration  into  my  plan  of  delay 
ing  my  march  between  the  Mussel  shell  and  the  Mis 
souri,  so  as  to  make  all  speed,  cross  the  broad  river  at 
Cow  Island,  defeat  the  guard,  and  then  destroy  an  im 
mense  freight-wagon-train,  replenish  his  supplies,  and 
make  off  beyond  danger  from  the  direct  pursuit,  is  not 
often  equaled  in  warfare. 

"And  even  at  the  last,  the  natural  resources  of  his 
mind  did  not  fail  him.  Broken  in  pieces  by  Miles'  furi 
ous  and  unexpected  assault;  burdened  with  his  women, 
children,  and  plunder;  suffering  from  the  loss  of  his  still 
numerous  though  badly  crippled  herd  of  ponies,  yet 
he  was  able  to  intrench,  and  hold  out  for  several  days 
against  twice  his  numbers,  and  succeeded  in  pushing 
out  beyond  the  white  man's  pickets  a  part  of  his  rem 
nant  to  join  his  allies  in  Canada. 

"  From  the  beginning  of  the  Indian  pursuit  across  the 
Lo-lo  Trail,  until  the  embarkation  on  the  Missouri  River 
for  the  homeward  journey,  including  all  halts  and  stop 
pages,  from  July  27th  to  October  loth,  my  command 
marched  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  twenty-one 
miles  in  seventy-five  days.  Joseph,  the  Indian,  taking 
with  him  his  men,  women,  and  children,  traversed  even 
greater  distances,  for  he  had  to  make  many  a  loop  in 
his  skein,  many  a  deviation  into  a  tangled  thicket,  to 
avoid  or  deceive  his  enemy. 

"So  that  whichever  side  of  the  picture  we  examine,  we 
find  there  evidence  of  wonderful  energy  and  prolonged 
endurance.  It  will  be,  indeed,  fortunate  for  mankind,  if 
these  same  qualities  which  we  cannot  help  commending, 


The  Epic  of  the  Nez  Perces     4.3 

can  hereafter  be  turned  into  a  common  channel,  and 
used  for  the  promotion  of  the  arts  of  peace.  What 
glorious  results  would  have  been  effected,  could  these 
non-treaties  have  received  the  same  direction  that  the 
worthy  missionaries  were,  in  early  days,  able  to  give 
to  the  remainder  of  their  tribe,  and  have  shown  the 
same  ability  and  persistence  in  peace  that  they  did  dur 
ing  this  fearful  Indian  War." 


CHAPTER  TWO 
Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story 

With  an  Introduction  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  W.  H.  Hare,  D.D., 
Bishop  of  South  Dakota  * 

I  WISH  that  I  had  words   at  command   in  which 
to  express  adequately  the  interest  with  which  I 
have    read    the    extraordinary    narrative    which 
follows,   and  which  I  have   the   privilege   of  in 
troducing  to  the  readers  of  this  Review.  I  feel,  how 
ever,  that  this  apologia  is  so  boldly  marked  by  the  charm 
ing  naivete  and  tender  pathos  which  characterizes  the 
red-man,  that  it  needs  no  introduction,  much  less  any 
authentication;  while  in  its  smothered  fire,  in  its  deep 
sense  of  eternal  righteousness  and  of  present  evil,  and 
in  its  hopeful  longings  for  the  coming  of  a  better  time, 
this  Indian  chief's  appeal  reminds  us  of  one  of  the  old 
Hebrew  prophets  of  the  days  of  the  Captivity. 

I  have  no  special  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  Nez 
Perces,  the  Indians  whose  tale  of  sorrow  Chief  Joseph 
so  pathetically  tells  —  my  Indian  missions  lying  in  a 
part  at  the  West  quite  distant  from  their  old  home  — 

*This  and  the  following  chapter  are  taken  from  The  North  American  Review  for 
1879,  by  the  gracious  permission  of  Messrs.  Harper  and  Brothers,  the  present  publishers 
of  the  magazine  and  the  owners  of  the  copyright. —  C.  T.  B. 

44 


Chief  Joseph's   Own   Story        45 

and  am  not  competent  to  judge  their  case  upon  its 
merits.  The  chief's  narrative  is,  of  course,  ex  parte,  and 
many  of  his  statements  would  no  doubt  be  ardently 
disputed.  General  Howard,  for  instance,  can  hardly 
receive  justice  at  his  hands,  so  well  known  is  he  for  his 
friendship  to  the  Indian  and  for  his  distinguished  suc 
cess  in  pacifying  some  of  the  most  desperate. 

It  should  be  remembered,  too,  in  justice  to  the  army, 
that  it  is  rarely  called  upon  to  interfere  in  Indian  affairs 
until  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  the  whites 
have  reached  a  desperate  condition,  and  when  the  situa 
tion  of  affairs  has  become  so  involved  and  feeling  on 
both  sides  runs  so  high  that  perhaps  only  more  than 
human  forbearance  would  attempt  to  solve  the  diffi 
culty  by  disentangling  the  knot  and  not  by  cutting  it. 

Nevertheless,  the  chief's  narrative  is  marked  by  so  much 
candor,  and  he  is  so  careful  to  qualify  his  statements, 
when  qualification  seems  necessary,  that  every  reader 
will  give  him  credit  for  speaking  his  honest,  even  should 
they  be  thought  by  some  to  be  mistaken,  convictions. 
The  chief,  in  his  treatment  of  his  defense,  reminds  one  of 
those  lawyers  of  whom  we  have  heard  that  their  splendid 
success  was  gained,  not  by  disputation,  but  simply  by 
their  lucid  and  straightforward  statement  of  their  case. 
That  he  is  something  of  a  strategist  as  well  as  an  advo 
cate  appears  from  this  description  of  an  event  which 
occurred  shortly  after  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities: 
"We  crossed  over  Salmon  River,  hoping  General  How 
ard  would  follow.  We  were  not  disappointed.  He  did  fol 
low  us,  and  we  got  between  him  and  his  supplies,  and 
cut  him  off  for  three  days."  Occasionally  the  reader 
comes  upon  touches  of  those  sentiments  and  feelings 
which  at  once  establish  a  sense  of  kinship  between 
all  who  possess  them.  Witness  his  description  of  his 


46  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

desperate  attempt  to  rejoin  his  wife  and  children  when  a 
sudden  dash  of  General  Miles'  soldiers  had  cut  the  In 
dian  camp  in  two.  .  .  .  "I  thought  of  my  wife  and 
children,  who  were  now  surrounded  by  soldiers,  and  I 
resolved  to  go  to  them.  With  a  prayer  in  my  mouth  to  the 
Great  Spirit  Chief  who  rules  above,  I  dashed  unarmed 
through  the  line  of  soldiers.  .  .  .  My  clothes  were 
cut  to  pieces,  my  horse  was  wounded,  but  I  was  not 
hurt."  And,  again,  when  he  speaks  of  his  father's 
death:  "I  saw  he  was  dying.  I  took  his  hand  in  mine. 
He  said :  '  My  son,  my  body  is  returning  to  my  mother 
earth,  and  my  spirit  is  going  very  soon  to  see  the 
Great  Spirit  Chief.  ...  A  few  more  years  and 
the  white  men  will  be  all  around  you.  They  have  their 
eyes  on  this  land.  My  son,  never  forget  my  dying  words. 
This  country  holds  your  father's  body  —  never  sell  the 
bones  of  your  father  and  mother. '  I  pressed  my  father's 
hand,  and  told  him  I  would  protect  his  grave  with  my 
life.  My  father  smiled,  and  passed  away  to  the  spirit- 
land.  I  buried  him  in  that  beautiful  valley  of  Winding 
Waters.  I  love  that  land  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the 
world.  A  man  who  would  not  love  his  father's  grave  is 
worse  than  a  wild  animal." 

His  appeals  to  the  natural  rights  of  man  are  surprising 
ly  fine,  and,  however  some  may  despise  them  as  the 
utterance  of  an  Indian,  they  are  just  those  which,  in  our 
Declaration  of  Independence,  have  been  most  admired. 
"We  are  all  sprung  from  a  woman,"  he  says,  "although 
we  are  unlike  in  many  things.  You  are  as  you  were  made, 
and,  as  you  are  made,  you  can  remain.  We  are  just  as  we 
were  made  by  the  Great  Spirit,  and  you  cannot  change 
us;  then,  why  should  children  of  one  mother  quarrel  ? 
Why  should  one  try  to  cheat  another  ?  I  do  not  be 
lieve  that  the  Great  Spirit  Chief  gave  one  kind  of 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        47 

men  the  right  to  tell  another  kind  of  men  what  they 
must  do." 

But  I  will  not  detain  the  readers  of  the  Review  from 
the  pleasure  of  perusing  for  themselves  Chief  Joseph's 
statement  longer  than  is  necessary  to  express  the  hope 
that  those  who  have  time  for  no  more  will  at  least  read 
its  closing  paragraph,  and  to  remark  that  the  narrative 
brings  clearly  out  these  facts  which  ought  to  be  regarded 
as  well-recognized  principles  in  dealing  with  the  red- 
man: 

1.  The  folly  of  any  mode  of  treatment  of  the  Indian 
which  is  not  based  upon  a  cordial  and  operative  acknowl 
edgment  of  his  rights  as  our  fellow-man. 

2.  The  danger  of  riding  roughshod  over  a  people  who 
are  capable  of  high  enthusiasm,  who  know  and  value 
their  national  rights,  and  are  brave  enough  to  defend 
them. 

3.  The  liability  to  want  of  harmony  between  different 
departments  and  different  officials  of  our  complex  Gov 
ernment,  from  which  it  results  that,  while  many  prom 
ises  are  made  to  the  Indians,  few  of  them  are  kept.  It  is 
a  home-thrust  when  Chief  Joseph  says:  "The  white 
people  have  too  many  chiefs.  They  do  not  understand 
each  other.      ...     I  cannot  understand  how  the 
Government  sends  a  man  out  to  fight  us,  as  it  did  Gen 
eral  Miles,  and  then  break  his  word.  Such  a  Govern 
ment  has  something  wrong  about  it." 

4.  The  unwisdom,  in  most  cases,  in  dealing  with  In 
dians,  of  what  may  be  termed  Military  short-cuts,  in 
stead  of  patient  discussion,  explanations,  persuasion, 
and  reasonable  concessions. 

5.  The  absence  in  an  Indian  tribe  of  any  truly  rep 
resentative  body  competent  to  make  a  treaty  which  shall 
be  binding  upon  all  the  bands.  The  failure  to  recognize 


48  Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

this  fact  has  been  the  source  of  endless  difficulties. 
Chief  Joseph,  in  this  case,  did  not  consider  a  treaty 
binding  which  his  band  had  not  agreed  to,  no  matter 
how  many  other  bands  had  signed  it;  and  so  it  has  been 
in  many  other  cases. 

6.  Indian  chiefs,  however  able  and  influential,  are 
really  without  power,  and  for  this  reason,  as  well  as 
others,  the  Indians,  when  by  the  march  of  events  they 
are  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  the  whites, 
should  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  be  given  the 
support  and  protection  of  our  Government  and  of  our 
law;  not  local  law,  however,  which  is  apt  to  be  the  result 
of  special  legislation  adopted  solely  in  the  interest  of  the 
stronger  race.  WILLIAM  H.  HARE. 

My  friends,  I  have  been  asked  to  show  you  my  heart. 
I  am  glad  to  have  a  chance  to  do  so.  I  want  the  white 
people  to  understand  my  people.  Some  of  you  think  an 
Indian  is  like  a  wild  animal.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  I 
will  tell  you  all  about  our  people,  and  then  you  can 
judge  whether  an  Indian  is  a  man  or  not.  I  believe  much 
trouble  and  blood  would  be  saved  if  we  opened  our 
hearts  more.  I  will  tell  you  in  my  way  how  the  Indian 
sees  things.  The  white  man  has  more  words  to  tell  you 
how  they  look  at  him,  but  it  does  not  require  many  words 
to  speak  the  truth.  What  I  have  to  say  will  come  from  my 
heart,  and  I  will  speak  with  a  straight  tongue.  Ah-cum- 
kin-i-ma-me-hut  (the  Great  Spirit)  is  looking  at  me,  and 
will  hear  me. 

My  name  is  In-mut-too-yah-lat-lat  (Thunder-travel- 
ing-over-the-mountains).  I  am  chief  of  the  Wal-lam- 
wat-kin  band  of  Chute-pa-lu,  or  Nez  Perces  (nose- 
pierced  Indians).  I  was  born  in  eastern  Oregon,  thirty- 
eight  winters  ago.  My  father  was  chief  before  me.  When 


Chief  Joseph's  Own   Story        4.9 


50  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

a  young  man  he  was  called  Joseph  by  Mr.  Spaulding,  a 
missionary.  He  died  a  few  years  ago.  There  was  no  stain 
on  his  hands  of  the  blood  of  a  white  man.  He  left  a  good 
name  on  the  earth.  He  advised  me  well  for  my  people. 

Our  fathers  gave  us  many  laws,  which  they  had 
learned  from  their  fathers.  These  laws  were  good.  They 
told  us  to  treat  all  men  as  they  treated  us;  that  we  should 
never  be  the  first  to  break  a  bargain;  that  it  was  a  dis 
grace  to  tell  a  lie;  that  we  should  speak  only  the  truth; 
that  it  was  a  shame  for  one  man  to  take  from  another 
his  wife,  or  his  property,  without  paying  for  it.  We  were 
taught  to  believe  that  the  Great  Spirit  sees  and  hears 
everything,  and  that  He  never  forgets;  that  hereafter 
He  will  give  every  man  a  spirit-home  according  to  his 
deserts;  if  he  has  been  a  good  man,  he  will  have  a  good 
home;  if  he  has  been  a  bad  man,  he  will  have  a  bad  home. 
This  I  believe,  and  all  my  people  believe  the  same. 

We  did  not  know  there  were  other  people  besides  the 
Indian  until  about  one  hundred  winters  ago,  when  some 
men  with  white  faces  came  to  our  country.  They  brought 
many  things  with  them  to  trade  for  furs  and  skins.  They 
brought  tobacco,  which  was  new  to  us.  They  brought 
guns  with  flintstones  on  them,  which  frightened  our 
women  and  children.  Our  people  could  not  talk  with 
these  white-faced  men,  but  they  used  signs  which  all 
people  understood.  These  men  were  Frenchmen,  and 
they  called  our  people  "Nez  Perces,"  because  they 
wore  rings  in  their  noses  for  ornaments.  Although  very 
few  of  our  people  wear  them  now,  we  are  still  called  by 
the  same  name.  These  French  trappers  said  a  great 
many  things  to  our  fathers,  which  have  been  planted  in 
our  hearts.  Some  were  good  for  us,  but  some  were  bad. 
Our  people  were  divided  in  opinion  about  these  men. 
Some  thought  they  taught  more  bad  than  good.  An 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story       51 

Indian  respects  a  brave  man,  but  he  despises  a  coward. 
He  loves  a  straight  tongue,  but  he  hates  a  forked  tongue. 
The  French  trappers  told  us  some  truths  and  some  lies. 
The  first  white  men  of  your  people  who  came  to  our 
country  were  named  Lewis  and  Clarke.  They  also 
brought  many  things  that  our  people  had  never  seen. 
They  talked  straight,  and  our  people  gave  them  a  great 
feast,  as  a  proof  that  their  hearts  were  friendly.  These 
men  were  very  kind.  They  made  presents  to  our  chiefs 
and  our  people  made  presents  to  them.  We  had  a  great 
many  horses,  of  which  we  gave  them  what  they  needed, 
and  they  gave  us  guns  and  tobacco  in  return.  All  the 
Nez  Perces  made  friends  with  Lewis  and  Clarke,  and 
agreed  to  let  them  pass  through  their  country,  and  never 
to  make  war  on  white  men.  This  promise  the  Nez  Perces 
have  never  broken.  No  white  man  can  accuse  them  of 
bad  faith,  and  speak  with  a  straight  tongue.  It  has  al 
ways  been  the  pride  of  the  Nez  Perces  that  they  were 
the  friends  of  the  white  men.  When  my  father  was  a 
young  man  there  came  to  our  country  a  white  man  (Rev. 
Mr.  Spaulding)  who  talked  spirit  law.  He  won  the  af 
fections  of  our  people  because  he  spoke  good  things 
to  them.  At  first  he  did  not  say  anything  about  white  men 
wanting  to  settle  on  our  lands.  Nothing  was  said  about 
that  until  about  twenty  winters  ago  when  a  number 
of  white  people  came  into  our  country  and  built  houses 
and  made  farms.  At  first  our  people  made  no  complaint. 
They  thought  there  was  room  enough  for  all  to  live  in 
peace,  and  they  were  learning  many  things  from  the 
white  men  that  seemed  to  be  good.  But  we  soon  found 
that  the  white  men  were  growing  rich  very  fast,  and  were 
greedy  to  possess  everything  the  Indian  had.  My  father 
was  the  first  to  see  through  the  schemes  of  the  white  men, 
and  he  warned  his  tribe  to  be  careful  about  trading  with 


52  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

them.  He  had  a  suspicion  of  men  who  seemed  so  anxious 
to  make  money.  I  was  a  boy  then,  but  I  remember  well 
my  father's  caution.  He  had  sharper  eyes  than  the  rest 
of  our  people. 

Next  there  came  a  white  officer  (Governor  Stevens) 
who  invited  all  the  Nez  Perces  to  a  treaty  council.  After 
the  council  was  opened  he  made  known  his  heart.  He 
said  there  were  a  great  many  white  people  in  the  coun 
try,  and  many  more  would  come;  that  he  wanted  the 
land  marked  out  so  that  the  Indians  and  white  men 
could  be  separated.  If  they  were  to  live  in  peace  it  was 
necessary,  he  said,  that  the  Indians  should  have  a  coun 
try  set  apart  for  them,  and  in  that  country  they  must 
stay.  My  father,  who  represented  his  band,  refused  to 
have  anything  to  do  with  the  council,  because  he  wished 
to  be  a  free  man.  He  claimed  that  no  man  owned  any 
.  part  of  the  earth,  and  a  man  could  not  sell  what  was 
not  his  own. 

Mr.  Spaulding  took  hold  of  my  father's  arm  and  said, 
"Come  and  sign  the  treaty."  My  father  pushed  him 
away  and  said :  "  Why  do  you  ask  me  to  sign  away  my 
country  ?  It  is  your  business  to  talk  to  us  about  spirit 
matters,  and  not  to  talk  to  us  about  parting  with  our 
land."  Governor  Stevens  urged  my  father  to  sign  his 
treaty,  but  he  refused.  "I  will  not  sign  your  paper,"  he 
said,  "you  go  where  you  please,  so  do  I:  you  are  not  a 
child,  I  am  no  child;  I  can  think  for  myself.  No  man  can 
think  for  me.  I  have  no  other  home  than  this.  I  will  not 
give  it  up  to  any  man.  My  people  would  have  no  home. 
Take  away  your  paper.  I  will  not  touch  it  with  my  hand." 

My  father  left  the  council.  Some  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
other  bands  of  the  Nez  Perces  signed  the  treaty,  and 
then  Governor  Stevens  gave  them  presents  of  blankets. 
My  father  cautioned  his  people  to  take  no  presents,  for 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        53 

"after  awhile,"  he  said,  "they  will  claim  that  you  ac 
cepted  pay  for  your  country."  Since  that  time  four 
bands  of  the  Nez  Perces  have  received  annuities  from  the 
United  States.  My  father  was  invited  to  many  councils, 
and  they  tried  hard  to  make  him  sign  the  treaty,  but 
he  was  firm  as  the  rock,  and  would  not  sign  away  his 
home.  His  refusal  caused  a  difference  among  the  Nez 
Perces. 

Eight  years  later  (1863)  was  the  next  treaty  council. 
A  chief  called  Lawyer,  because  he  was  a  great  talker, 
took  the  lead  in  this  council,  and  sold  nearly  all  of  the 
Nez  Perces  country.  My  father  was  not  there.  He  said  to 
me:  "When  you  go  into  council  with  the  white  man, 
always  remember  your  country.  Do  not  give  it  away. 
The  white  man  will  cheat  you  out  of  your  home.  I  have 
taken  no  pay  from  the  United  States.  I  have  never  sold 
our  land. "  In  this  treaty  Lawyer  acted  without  author 
ity  from  our  band.  He  had  no  right  to  sell  the  Wallowa 
(winding  water)  country.  That  had  always  belonged 
to  my  father's  own  people,  and  the  other  bands  had 
never  disputed  our  right  to  it.  No  other  Indians  ever 
claimed  Wallowa. 

In  order  to  have  all  people  understand  how  much 
land  we  owned,  my  father  planted  poles  around  it  and 
said: 

"  Inside  is  the  home  of  my  people  —  the  white  man 
may  take  the  land  outside.  Inside  this  boundary  all  our 
people  were  born.  It  circles  around  the  graves  of  our 
fathers,  and  we  will  never  give  up  these  graves  to  any 


man." 


The  United  States  claimed  they  had  bought  all  the 
Nez  Perces  country  outside  the  Lapwai  Reservation, 
from  Lawyer  and  other  chiefs,  but  we  continued  to  live 
on  this  land  in  peace  until  eight  years  ago,  when  white 


54-  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

men  began  to  come  inside  the  bounds  my  father  had 
set.  We  warned  them  against  this  great  wrong,  but 
they  would  not  leave  our  land,  and  some  bad  blood 
was  raised.  The  white  man  represented  that  we  were 
going  upon  the  war-path.  They  reported  many  things 
that  were  false. 

The  United  States  Government  again  asked  for  a 
treaty  council.  My  father  had  become  blind  and  feeble. 
He  could  no  longer  speak  for  his  people.  It  was  then  I 
took  my  father's  place  as  chief.  In  this  council  I  made 
my  first  speech  to  white  men.  I  said  to  the  agent  who 
held  the  council : 

"  I  did  not  want  to  come  to  this  council,  but  I  came 
hoping  that  we  could  save  blood.  The  white  man  has 
no  right  to  come  here  and  take  our  country.  We  have 
never  accepted  presents  from  the  Government.  Neither 
Lawyer  nor  any  other  chief  had  authority  to  sell  this 
land.  It  has  always  belonged  to  my  people.  It  came  un 
clouded  to  them  from  our  fathers,  and  we  will  defend 
this  land  as  long  as  a  drop  of  Indian  blood  warms  the 
hearts  of  our  men. " 

The  agent  said  he  had  orders,  from  the  Great  White 
Chief  at  Washington,  for  us  to  go  upon  the  Lapwai 
Reservation,  and  that  if  we  obeyed  he  would  help  us  in 
many  ways.  "You  must  move  to  the  agency,"  he  said. 
I  answered  him:  "I  will  not.  I  do  not  need  your  help; 
we  have  plenty,  and  we  are  contented  and  happy  if  the 
white  man  will  let  us  alone.  The  reservation  is  too 
small  for  so  many  people  with  all  their  stock.  You  can 
keep  your  presents;  we  can  go  to  your  towns  and  pay 
for  all  we  need;  we  have  plenty  of  horses  and  cattle  to 
sell,  and  we  won't  have  any  help  from  you;  we  are  free 
now;  we  can  go  where  we  please.  Our  fathers  were  born 
here.  Here  they  lived,  here  they  died,  here  are  their 


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Colonel  W.  R.  Parnell, 
U.  S.  A.,  retired 


First  Lieutenant  Robert  H. 
Fletcher,  U.  S.  A.,  retired 


Brigadier- General  David  Major  J.  G.  Trimble,  U.  S.A., 

Perry,  U.  S.  A.,  retired  retired 

Distinguished  Officers  of  the  Nez  Perce-War 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        55 

graves.  We  will  never  leave  them."  The  agent  went 
away,  and  we  had  peace  for  awhile. 

Soon  after  this  my  father  sent  for  me.  I  saw  he  was 
dying.  I  took  his  hand  in  mine.  He  said:  "My  son,  my 
body  is  returning  to  my  mother  earth,  and  my  spirit  is 
going  very  soon  to  see  the  Great  Spirit  Chief.  When  I 
am  gone,  think  of  your  country.  You  are  the  chief  of 
these  people.  They  look  to  you  to  guide  them.  Always 
remember  that  your  father  never  sold  his  country.  You 
must  stop  your  ears  whenever  you  are  asked  to  sign  a 
treaty  selling  your  home.  A  few  years  more,  and  white 
men  will  be  all  around  you.  They  have  their  eyes  on 
this  land.  My  son,  never  forget  my  dying  words.  This 
country  holds  your  father's  body.  Never  sell  the  bones 
of  your  father  and  your  mother. "  I  pressed  my  father's 
hand  and  told  him  that  I  would  protect  his  grave  with 
my  life.  My  father  smiled  and  passed  away  to  the  spirit- 
land. 

I  buried  him  in  that  beautiful  valley  of  winding  waters. 
I  love  that  land  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  A 
man  who  would  not  love  his  father's  grave  is  worse  than 
a  wild  animal. 

For  a  short  time  we  lived  quietly.  But  this  could  not 
last.  White  men  had  found  gold  in  the  mountains 
around  the  land  of  the  winding  water.  They  stole  a 
great  many  horses  from  us,  and  we  could  not  get  them 
back  because  we  were  Indians.  The  white  men  told  lies 
for  each  other.  They  drove  off  a  great  many  of  our  cattle. 
Some  white  men  branded  our  young  cattle  so  they  could 
claim  them.  We  had  no  friend  who  would  plead  our 
cause  before  the  law  councils.  It  seemed  to  me  that  some 
of  the  white  men  in  Wallowa  were  doing  these  things 
on  purpose  to  get  up  a  war.  They  knew  that  we  were  not 
strong  enough  to  fight  them.  I  labored  hard  to  avoid 


56  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

trouble  and  bloodshed.  We  gave  up  some  of  our  country 
to  the  white  men,  thinking  that  then  we  could  have 
peace.  We  were  mistaken.  The  white  man  would  not 
let  us  alone.  We  could  have  avenged  our  wrongs  many 
times,  but  we  did  not.  Whenever  the  Government  has 
asked  us  to  help  them  against  other  Indians,  we  have 
never  refused.  When  the  white  men  were  few  and  we 
were  strong  we  could  have  killed  them  off,  but  the  Nez 
Perces  wished  to  live  at  peace. 

If  we  have  not  done  so,  we  have  not  been  to  blame. 
I  believe  that  the  old  treaty  has  never  been  correctly  re 
ported.  If  we  ever  owned  the  land  we  own  it  still,  for  we 
never  sold  it.  In  the  treaty  councils  the  commissioners 
have  claimed  that  our  country  had  been  sold  to  the 
Government.  Suppose  a  white  man  should  come  to  me 
and  say,  "Joseph,  I  like  your  horses,  and  I  want  to  buy 
them."  I  say  to  him,  "No,  my  horses  suit  me,  I  will  not 
sell  them."  Then  he  goes  to  my  neighbor,  and  says  to 
him:  "Joseph  has  some  good  horses.  I  want  to  buy  them, 
but  he  refuses  to  sell. "  My  neighbor  answers,  "  Pay  me 
the  money,  and  I  will  sell  you  Joseph's  horses."  The 
white  man  returns  to  me  and  says,  "Joseph,  I  have 
bought  your  horses,  and  you  must  let  me  have  them." 
If  we  sold  our  lands  to  the  Government,  this  is  the  way 
they  were  bought. 

On  account  of  the  treaty  made  by  the  other  bands  of 
Nez  Perces,  the  white  men  claimed  my  lands.  We  were 
troubled  greatly  by  white  men  crowding  over  the  line. 
Some  of  these  were  good  men,  and  we  lived  on  peaceful 
terms  with  them,  but  they  were  not  all  good. 

Nearly  every  year  the  agent  came  over  from  Lapwai 
and  ordered  us  on  to  the  reservation.  We  always  replied 
that  we  were  satisfied  to  live  in  Wallowa.  We  were  care 
ful  to  refuse  the  presents  or  annuities  which  he  offered. 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        57 

Through  all  the  years  since  the  white  man  came  to 
Wallowa  we  have  been  threatened  and  taunted  by  them 
and  the  treaty  Nez  Perces.  They  have  given  us  no  rest. 
We  have  had  a  few  good  friends  among  white  men,  and 
they  have  always  advised  my  people  to  bear  these  taunts 
without  fighting.  Our  young  men  were  quick-tempered, 
and  I  have  had  great  trouble  in  keeping  them  from 
doing  rash  things.  I  have  carried  a  heavy  load  on  my 
back  ever  since  I  was  a  boy.  I  learned  then  that  we  were 
but  few,  while  the  white  men  were  many,  and  that  we 
could  not  hold  our  own  with  them.  We  were  like  deer. 
They  were  like  grizzly  bears.  We  had  a  small  country. 
Their  country  was  large.  We  were  contented  to  let  things 
remain  as  the  Great  Spirit  Chief  made  them.  They  were 
not;  and  would  change  the  rivers  and  mountains  if  they 
did  not  suit  them. 

Year  after  year  we  have  been  threatened,  but  no  war 
was  made  upon  my  people  until  General  Howard  came 
to  our  country  two  years  ago  and  told  us  that  he  was  the 
white  war-chief  of  all  that  country.  He  said:  "I  have  a 
great  many  soldiers  at  my  back.  I  am  going  to  bring 
them  up  here,  and  then  I  will  talk  to  you  again.  I  will 
not  let  white  men  laugh  at  me  the  next  time  I  come.  The 
country  belongs  to  the  Government,  and  I  intend  to 
make  you  go  upon  the  reservation." 

I  remonstrated  with  him  against  bringing  more  sol 
diers  to  the  Nez  Perces  country.  He  had  one  house  full 
of  troops  all  the  time  at  Fort  Lapwai. 

The  next  spring  the  agent  at  Umatilla  Agency  sent  an 
Indian  runner  to  tell  me  to  meet  General  Howard  at 
Walla  Walla.  I  could  not  go  myself,  but  I  sent  my  broth 
er  and  five  other  head  men  to  meet  him,  and  they  had  a 
long  talk. 

General  Howard  said:  "You  have  talked  straight,  and 


58  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

it  is  all  right.  You  can  stay  at  Wallowa."  He  insisted 
that  my  brother  and  his  company  should  go  with  him 
to  Fort  Lapwai.  When  the  party  arrived  there  General 
Howard  sent  out  runners  and  called  all  the  Indians  to  a 
grand  council.  I  was  in  that  council.  I  said  to  General 
Howard,  "We  are  ready  to  listen."  He  answered  that 
he  would  not  talk  then,  but  would  hold  a  council  next 
day,  when  he  would  talk  plainly.  I  said  to  General  How 
ard  :  "  I  am  ready  to  talk  to-day.  I  have  been  in  a  great 
many  councils,  but  I  am  no  wiser.  We  are  all  sprung 
from  a  woman,  although  we  are  unlike  in  many  things. 
We  cannot  be  made  over  again.  You  are  as  you  were 
made,  and  as  you  were  made  you  can  remain.  We  are 
just  as  we  were  made  by  the  Great  Spirit,  and  you  can 
not  change  us;  then  why  should  children  of  one  mother 
and  one  father  quarrel  ?  —  why  should  one  try  to  cheat 
the  other  ?  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Great  Spirit  Chief 
gave  one  kind  of  men  the  right  to  tell  another  kind  of 
men  what  they  must  do. " 

General  Howard  replied:  "You  deny  my  authority, 
do  you  ?  You  want  to  dictate  to  me,  do  you  ?" 

Then  one  of  my  chiefs  —  Too-hool-hool-suit  —  rose 
in  the  council  and  said  to  General  Howard:  "The  Great 
Spirit  Chief  made  the  world  as  it  is,  and  as  He  wanted  it, 
and  He  made  a  part  of  it  for  us  to  live  upon.  I  do  not  see 
where  you  get  authority  to  say  that  we  shall  not  live 
where  He  placed  us." 

General  Howard  lost  his  temper  and  said :  "  Shut  up ! 
I  don't  want  to  hear  any  more  of  such  talk.  The  law 
says  you  shall  go  upon  the  reservation  to  live,  and  I  want 
you  to  do  so,  but  you  persist  in  disobeying  the  law" 
(meaning  the  treaty).  "  If  you  do  not  move,  I  will  take 
the  matter  into  my  own  hand,  and  make  you  suffer  for 
your  disobedience. " 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        59 

Too-hool-hool-suit  answered:  "Who  are  you,  that 
you  ask  us  to  talk,  and  then  tell  me  I  shan't  talk  ?  Are 
you  the  Great  Spirit  ?  Did  you  make  the  world  ?  Did 
you  make  the  sun  ?  Did  you  make  the  rivers  to  run  for 
us  to  drink  ?  Did  you  make  the  grass  to  grow  ?  Did  you 
make  all  these  things  that  you  talk  to  us  as  though  we 
were  boys  ?  If  you  did,  then  you  have  the  right  to  talk 
as  you  do." 

General  Howard  replied:  "You  are  an  impudent 
fellow,  and  I  will  put  you  in  the  guard-house,"  and  then 
ordered  a  soldier  to  arrest  him. 

Too-hool-hool-suit  made  no  resistance.  He  asked 
General  Howard :  "  Is  this  your  order  ?  I  don't  care.  I 
have  expressed  my  heart  to  you.  I  have  nothing  to  take 
back.  I  have  spoken  for  my  country.  You  can  arrest 
me,  but  you  cannot  change  me  or  make  me  take  back 
what  I  have  said." 

The  soldiers  came  forward  and  seized  my  friend  and 
took  him  to  the  guard-house.  My  men  whispered  among 
themselves  whether  they  would  let  this  thing  be  done. 
I  counseled  them  to  submit.  I  knew  if  we  resisted  that 
all  the  white  men  present,  including  General  Howard, 
would  be  killed  in  a  moment,  and  we  would  be  blamed. 
If  I  had  said  nothing,  General  Howard  would  never 
have  given  an  unjust  order  against  my  men.  I  saw  the 
danger  and  while  they  dragged  Too-hool-hool-suit  to 
prison,  I  arose  and  said:  "/  am  going  to  talk  now.  I  don't 
care  whether  you  arrest  me  or  not. "  I  turned  to  my  peo 
ple  and  said:  "The  arrest  of  Too-hool-hool-suit  was 
wrong,  but  we  will  not  resent  the  insult.  We  were  in 
vited  to  this  council  to  express  our  hearts,  and  we  have 
done  so. "  Too-hool-hool-suit  was  prisoner  for  five  days 
before  he  was  released. 

The  council  broke  up  that  day.  On  the  next  morning 


60  Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

General  Howard  came  to  my  lodge,  and  invited  me  to 
go  with  him  and  White  Bird  and  Looking  Glass,  to 
look  for  land  for  my  people.  As  we  rode  along  we  came 
to  some  good  land  that  was  already  occupied  by  Indians 
and  white  people.  General  Howard,  pointing  to  this  land, 
said :  "  If  you  will  come  on  to  the  reservation,  I  will  give 
you  these  lands  and  move  these  people  off. " 

I  replied:  "No.  It  would  be  wrong  to  disturb  these 
people.  I  have  no  right  to  take  their  homes.  I  have  never 
taken  what  did  not  belong  to  me.  I  will  not  now. " 

We  rode  all  day  upon  the  reservation,  and  found  no 
good  land  unoccupied.  I  have  been  informed  by  men 
who  do  not  lie  that  General  Howard  sent  a  letter  that 
night  telling  the  soldiers  at  Walla  Walla  to  go  to  Wallowa 
Valley,  and  drive  us  out  upon  our  return  home. 

In  the  council  next  day  General  Howard  informed 
us  in  a  haughty  spirit  that  he  would  give  my  people 
thirty  days  to  go  back  home,  collect  all  their  stock,  and 
move  on  to  the  reservation,  saying,  "If  you  are  not 
here  in  that  time,  I  shall  consider  that  you  want  to  fight, 
and  will  send  my  soldiers  to  drive  you  on. " 

I  said:  "War  can  be  avoided  and  it  ought  to  be 
avoided.  I  want  no  war.  My  people  have  always  been  the 
friends  of  the  white  man.  Why  are  you  in  such  a  hurry  ? 
I  cannot  get  ready  to  move  in  thirty  days.  Our  stock  is 
scattered,  and  Snake  River  is  very  high.  Let  us  wait  un 
til  fall,  then  the  river  will  be  low.  We  want  time  to  hunt 
our  stock  and  gather  our  supplies  for  the  winter." 

General  Howard  replied,  "If  you  let  the  time  run 
over  one  day,  the  soldiers  will  be  there  to  drive  you  on  to 
the  reservation,  and  all  your  cattle  and  horses  outside 
of  the  reservation  at  that  time  will  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  white  men." 

I  knew  I  had  never  sold  my  country,  and  that  I  had 


Chief  Joseph's  Own   Story        61 

no  land  in  Lapwai;  but  I  did  not  want  bloodshed.  I  did 
not  want  my  people  killed.  I  did  not  want  anybody  killed. 
Some  of  my  people  had  been  murdered  by  white  men, 
and  the  white  murderers  were  never  punished  for  it.  I 
told  General  Howard  about  this,  and  again  said  I  want 
ed  no  war.  I  wanted  the  people  who  live  upon  the  lands 
I  was  to  occupy  at  Lapwai  to  have  time  to  gather  their 
harvest. 

I  said  in  my  heart  that,  rather  than  have  war  I  would 
give  up  my  country.  I  would  rather  give  up  my  father's 
grave.  I  would  give  up  everything  rather  than  have  the 
blood  of  white  men  upon  the  hands  of  my  people. 

General  Howard  refused  to  allow  me  more  than  thirty 
days  to  move  my  people  and  their  stock.  I  am  sure  that 
he  began  to  prepare  for  war  at  once. 

When  I  returned  to  Wallowa  I  found  my  people  very 
much  excited  upon  discovering  that  the  soldiers  were 
already  in  the  Wallowa  Valley.  We  held  a  council,  and 
decided  to  move  immediately  to  avoid  bloodshed. 

Too-hool-hool-suit,  who  felt  outraged  by  his  imprison 
ment,  talked  for  war,  and  made  many  of  my  young  men 
willing  to  fight  rather  than  be  driven  like  dogs  from  the 
land  where  they  were  born.  He  declared  that  blood  alone 
would  wash  out  the  disgrace  General  Howard  had  put 
upon  him.  It  required  a  strong  heart  to  stand  up  against 
such  talk,  but  I  urged  my  people  to  be  quiet,  and  not  to 
begin  a  war. 

We  gathered  all  the  stock  we  could  find,  and  made  an 
attempt  to  move.  We  left  many  of  our  horses  and  cattle 
in  Wallowa,  and  we  lost  several  hundred  in  crossing  the 
river.  All  my  people  succeeded  in  getting  across  in  safety. 
Many  of  the  Nez  Perces  came  together  in  Rocky  Canon 
to  hold  a  grand  council.  I  went  with  all  my  people. 
This  council  lasted  ten  days.  There  was  a  great  deal  of 


62  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

war  talk  and  a  great  deal  of  excitement.  There  was  one 
young  brave  present  whose  father  had  been  killed  by  a 
white  man  five  years  before.  This  man's  blood  was  bad 
against  white  men  and  he  left  the  council  calling  for 
revenge. 

Again  I  counseled  peace,  and  I  thought  the  danger 
was  past.  We  had  not  complied  with  General  Howard's 
order  because  we  could  not,  but  we  intended  to  do  so  as 
soon  as  possible.  I  was  leaving  the  council  to  kill  beef 
for  my  family,  when  news  came  that  the  young  man 
whose  father  had  been  killed  had  gone  out  with  several 
hot-blooded  young  braves  and  killed  four  white  men.  He 
rode  up  to  the  council  and  shouted:  "Why  do  you  sit 
here  like  women  ?  The  war  has  begun  already."  I  was 
deeply  grieved.  All  the  lodges  were  moved  except  my 
brother's  and  my  own.  I  saw  clearly  that  the  war  was 
upon  us  when  I  learned  that  my  young  men  had  been 
secretly  buying  ammunition.  I  heard  then  that  Too-hool- 
hool-suit,  who  had  been  imprisoned  by  General  Howard, 
had  succeeded  in  organizing  a  war  party.  I  knew  that 
their  acts  would  involve  all  my  people.  I  saw  that  the 
war  could  not  then  be  prevented.  The  time  had  passed.  I 
counseled  peace  from  the  beginning.  I  knew  that  we  were 
too  weak  to  fight  the  United  States.  We  had  many 
grievances,  but  I  knew  that  war  would  bring  more.  We 
had  good  white  friends,  who  advised  us  against  taking 
the  war-path.  My  friend  and  brother,  Mr.  Chapman, 
who  has  been  with  us  since  the  surrender,  told  us  just 
how  the  war  would  end.  Mr.  Chapman  took  sides  against 
us  and  helped  General  Howard.  I  do  not  blame  him  for 
doing  so.  He  tried  hard  to  prevent  bloodshed.  We  hoped 
the  white  settlers  would  not  join  the  soldiers.  Before  the 
war  commenced  we  had  discussed  this  matter  all  over, 
and  many  of  my  people  were  in  favor  of  warning  them 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story       63 

that  if  they  took  no  part  against  us  they  should  not  be 
molested  in  the  event  of  war  being  begun  by  General 
Howard.  This  plan  was  voted  down  in  the  war-council. 

There  were  bad  men  among  my  people  who  had 
quarreled  with  white  men,  and  they  talked  of  their 
wrongs  until  they  roused  all  the  bad  hearts  in  the  coun 
cil.  Still  I  could  not  believe  that  they  would  begin  the 
war.  I  know  that  my  young  men  did  a  great  wrong,  but 
I  ask,  Who  was  first  to  blame  ?  They  had  been  in 
sulted  a  thousand  times;  their  fathers  and  brothers  had 
been  killed;  their  mothers  and  wives  had  been  disgraced; 
they  had  been  driven  to  madness  by  the  whiskey  sold 
to  them  by  the  white  men;  they  had  been  told  by 
General  Howard  that  all  their  horses  and  cattle  which 
they  had  been  unable  to  drive  out  of  Wallowa  were  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  white  men;  and,  added  to  all 
this,  they  were  homeless  and  desperate. 

I  would  have  given  my  own  life  if  I  could  have  undone 
the  killing  of  white  men  by  my  people.  I  blame  my 
young  men  and  I  blame  the  white  men.  I  blame  Gen 
eral  Howard  for  not  giving  my  people  time  to  get  their 
stock  away  from  Wallowa.  I  do  not  acknowledge  that 
he  had  the  right  to  order  me  to  leave  Wallowa  at  any 
time.  I  deny  that  either  my  father  or  myself  ever  sold 
that  land.  It  is  still  our  land.  It  may  never  again  be  our 
home,  but  my  father  sleeps  there,  and  I  love  it  as  I  love 
my  mother.  I  left  there,  hoping  to  avoid  bloodshed. 

If  General  Howard  had  given  me  plenty  of  time  to 
gather  up  my  stock,  and  treated  Too-hool-hool-suit  as 
a  man  should  be  treated,  there  would  have  been  no  war. 
My  friends  among  white  men  have  blamed  me  for  the 
war.  I  am  not  to  blame.  When  my  young  men  began 
the  killing,  my  heart  was  hurt.  Although  I  did  not  justify 
them,  I  remembered  all  the  insults  I  had  endured,  and 


64  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

my  blood  was  on  fire.  Still  I  would  have  taken  my  people 
to  the  buffalo  country  without  fighting,  if  possible. 

I  could  see  no  other  way  to  avoid  a  war.  We  moved 
over  to  White  Bird  Creek,  sixteen  miles  away,  and  there 
encamped,  intending  to  collect  our  stock  before  leaving; 
but  the  soldiers  attacked  us  and  the  first  battle  was 
fought.  We  numbered  in  that  battle  sixty  men,  and  the 
soldiers  a  hundred.  The  fight  lasted  but  a  few  minutes, 
when  the  soldiers  retreated  before  us  for  twelve  miles. 
They  lost  thirty-three  killed,  and  had  seven  wounded. 
When  an  Indian  fights,  he  only  shoots  to  kill;  but 
soldiers  shoot  at  random.  None  of  the  soldiers  were 
scalped.  We  do  not  believe  in  scalping,  nor  in  killing 
wounded  men.  Soldiers  do  not  kill  many  Indians  unless 
they  are  wounded  and  left  upon  the  battle-field.  Then 
they  kill  Indians. 

Seven  days  after  the  first  battle  General  Howard  ar 
rived  in  the  Nez  Perces  country,  bringing  seven  hundred 
more  soldiers.  It  was  now  war  in  earnest.  We  crossed 
over  Salmon  River,  hoping  General  Howard  would  fol 
low.  We  were  not  disappointed.  He  did  follow  us,  and 
we  got  between  him  and  his  supplies,  and  cut  him  off 
for  three  days.  He  sent  out  two  companies  to  open  the 
way.  We  attacked  them,  killing  one  officer,  two  guides, 
and  ten  men. 

We  withdrew,  hoping  the  soldiers  would  follow,  but 
they  had  got  fighting  enough  for  that  day.  They  in 
trenched  themselves,  and  next  day  we  attacked  again. 
The  battle  lasted  all  day,  and  was  renewed  next  morn 
ing.  We  killed  four  and  wounded  seven  or  eight. 

About  this  time  General  Howard  found  out  that  we 
were  in  his  rear.  Five  days  later  he  attacked  us  with  three 
hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  and  settlers.  We  had  two 
hundred  and  fifty  warriors.  The  fight  lasted  twenty- 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        65 

seven  hours.  We  lost  four  killed  and  several  wounded. 
General  Howard's  loss  was  twenty-nine  men  killed  and 
sixty  wounded. 

The  following  day  the  soldiers  charged  upon  us,  and 
we  retreated  with  our  families  and  stock  a  few  miles, 
leaving  eighty  lodges  to  fall  into  General  Howard's 
hands. 

Finding  that  we  were  outnumbered,  we  retreated  to 
Bitter  Root  Valley.  Here  another  body  of  soldiers  came 
upon  us  and  demanded  our  surrender.  We  refused. 
They  said,  "You  cannot  get  by  us."  We  answered,  "We 
are  going  by  you  without  fighting  if  you  will  let  us,  but 
we  are  going  by  you  anyhow."  We  then  made  a  treaty 
with  these  soldiers.  We  agreed  not  to  molest  any  one 
and  they  agreed  that  we  might  pass  through  the  Bitter 
Root  country  in  peace.  We  bought  provisions  and  traded 
stock  with  white  men  there. 

We  understood  that  there  was  to  be  no  war.  We  intend 
ed  to  go  peaceably  to  the  buffalo  country,  and  leave  the 
question  of  returning  to  our  country  to  be  settled  after 
ward. 

With  this  understanding  we  traveled  on  for  four  days, 
and,  thinking  that  the  trouble  was  all  over,  we  stopped 
and  prepared  tent-poles  to  take  with  us.  We  started 
again,  and  at  the  end  of  two  days  we  saw  three  white 
men  passing  our  camp.  Thinking  that  peace  had  been 
made,  we  did  not  molest  them.  We  could  have  killed, 
or  taken  them  prisoners,  but  we  did  not  suspect  them 
of  being  spies,  which  they  were. 

That  night  the  soldiers  surrounded  our  camp.  About 
daybreak  one  of  my  men  went  out  to  look  after  his 
horses.  The  soldiers  saw  him  and  shot  him  down  like  a 
coyote.  I  have  since  learned  that  these  soldiers  were  not 
those  we  had  left  behind.  They  had  come  upon  us  from 


66  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

another  direction.  The  new  white  war-chief's  name  was 
Gibbon.  He  charged  upon  us  while  some  of  my  people 
were  still  asleep.  We  had  a  hard  fight.  Some  of  my  men 
crept  around  and  attacked  the  soldiers  from  the  rear. 
In  this  battle  we  lost  nearly  all  our  lodges,  but  we  finally 
drove  General  Gibbon  back. 

Finding  that  he  was  not  able  to  capture  us,  he  sent  to 
his  camp  a  few  miles  away  for  his  big  guns  (cannons), 
but  my  men  had  captured  them  and  all  the  ammunition. 
We  damaged  the  big  guns  all  we  could,  and  carried 
away  the  powder  and  lead.  In  the  fight  with  General 
Gibbon  we  lost  fifty  women  and  children  and  thirty 
fighting  men.  We  remained  long  enough  to  bury  our 
dead.  The  Nez  Perces  never  make  war  on  women  and 
children;  we  could  have  killed  a  great  many  women  and 
children  while  the  war  lasted,  but  we  would  feel  ashamed 
to  do  so  cowardly  an  act. 

We  never  scalp  our  enemies,  but  when  General  How 
ard  came  up  and  joined  General  Gibbon,  their  Indian 
scouts  dug  up  our  dead  and  scalped  them.  I  have  been 
told  that  General  Howard  did  not  order  this  great  shame 
to  be  done. 

We  retreated  as  rapidly  as  we  could  toward  the  buffalo 
country.  After  six  days  General  Howard  came  close  to 
us,  and  we  went  out  and  attacked  him,  and  captured 
nearly  all  his  horses  and  mules  (about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  head).  We  then  marched  on  to  the  Yellowstone 
Basin. 

On  the  way  we  captured  one  white  man  and  two  white 
women.  We  released  them  at  the  end  of  three  days. 
They  were  treated  kindly.  The  women  were  not  insult 
ed.  Can  the  white  soldiers  tell  me  of  one  time  when  In 
dian  women  were  taken  prisoners,  and  held  three  days 
and  then  released  without  being  insulted  ?  Were  the  Nez 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        67 

Perces  women  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  General  How 
ard's  soldiers  treated  with  as  much  respect  ?  I  deny 
that  a  Nez  Perce  was  ever  guilty  of  such  a  crime. 

A  few  days  later  we  captured  two  more  white  men. 
One  of  them  stole  a  horse  and  escaped.  We  gave  the 
other  a  poor  horse  and  told  him  that  he  was  free. 

Nine  days'  march  brought  us  to  the  mouth  of  Clarke's 
Fork  of  the  Yellowstone.  We  did  not  know  what  had 
become  of  General  Howard,  but  we  supposed  that  he 
had  sent  for  more  horses  and  mules.  He  did  not  come  up, 
but  another  new  war-chief  (General  Sturgis)  attacked 
us.  We  held  him  in  check  while  we  moved  all  our 
women  and  children  and  stock  out  of  danger,  leaving 
a  few  men  to  cover  our  retreat. 

Several  days  passed,  and  we  heard  nothing  of  General 
Howard,  or  Gibbon,  or  Sturgis.  We  had  repulsed  each  in 
turn,  and  began  to  feel  secure,  when  another  army,  under 
General  Miles,  struck  us.  This  was  the  fourth  army, 
each  of  which  outnumbered  our  fighting  force,  that  we 
had  encountered  within  sixty  days. 

We  had  no  knowledge  of  General  Miles'  army  until  a 
short  time  before  he  made  a  charge  upon  us,  cutting  our 
camp  in  two,  and  capturing  nearly  all  of  our  horses. 
About  seventy  men,  myself  among  them,  were  cut  off. 
My  little  daughter,  twelve  years  of  age,  was  with  me.  I 
gave  her  a  rope,  and  told  her  to  catch  a  horse  and  join 
the  others  who  were  cut  off  from  the  camp.  I  have  not 
seen  her  since,  but  I  have  learned  that  she  is  alive  and 
well. 

I  thought  of  my  wife  and  children,  who  were  now  sur 
rounded  by  soldiers,  and  I  resolved  to  go  to  them  or  die. 
With  a  prayer  in  my  mouth  to  the  Great  Spirit  Chief  who 
rules  above,  I  dashed  unarmed  through  the  line  of  sol 
diers.  It  seemed  to  me  that  there  were  guns  on  every  side, 


68  Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

before  and  behind  me.  My  clothes  were  cut  to  pieces  and 
my  horse  was  wounded,  but  I  was  not  hurt.  As  I  reached 
the  door  of  my  lodge,  my  wife  h  anded  me  my  rifle,  saying : 
"Here's  your  gun.  Fight!" 

The  soldiers  kept  up  a  continuous  fire.  Six  of  my  men 
were  killed  in  one  spot  near  me.  Ten  or  twelve  soldiers 
charged  into  our  camp  and  got  possession  of  two  lodges, 
killing  three  Nez  Perces  and  losing  three  of  their  men, 
who  fell  inside  our  lines.  I  called  my  men  to  drive  them 
back.  We  fought  at  close  range,  not  more  than  twenty 
steps  apart,  and  drove  the  soldiers  back  upon  their  main 
line,  leaving  their  dead  in  our  hands.  We  secured  their 
arms  and  ammunition.  We  lost,  the  first  day  and  night, 
eighteen  men  and  three  women.  General  Miles  lost 
twenty-six  killed  and  forty  wounded.  The  following  day 
General  Miles  sent  a  messenger  into  my  camp  under 
protection  of  a  white  flag.  I  sent  my  friend  Yellow  Bull 
to  meet  him. 

Yellow  Bull  understood  the  messenger  to  say  that 
General  Miles  wished  me  to  consider  the  situation;  that 
he  did  not  want  to  kill  my  people  unnecessarily.  Yellow 
Bull  understood  this  to  be  a  demand  for  me  to  surrender 
and  save  blood.  Upon  reporting  this  message  to  me, 
Yellow  Bull  said  he  wondered  whether  General  Miles 
was  in  earnest.  I  sent  him  back  with  my  answer,  that  I 
had  not  made  up  my  mind,  but  would  think  about  it  and 
send  word  soon.  A  little  later  he  sent  some  Cheyenne 
scouts  with  another  message.  I  went  out  to  meet  them. 
They  said  they  believed  that  General  Miles  was  sincere 
and  really  wanted  peace.  I  walked  on  to  General  Miles' 
tent.  He  met  me  and  we  shook  hands.  He  said,  "Come, 
let  us  sit  down  by  the  fire  and  talk  this  matter  over."  I 
remained  with  him  all  night;  next  morning,  Yellow  Bull 
came  over  to  see  if  I  was  alive,  and  why  I  did  not  return. 


Chief  Joseph's  Own   Story        69 

General  Miles  would  not  let  me  leave  the  tent  to  see 
my  friend  alone. 

Yellow  Bull  said  to  me:  "They  have  got  you  in  their 
power,  and  I  am  afraid  they  will  never  let  you  go  again. 
I  have  an  officer  in  our  camp,  and  I  will  hold  him  until 
they  let  you  go  free." 

I  said:  "I  do  not  know  what  they  mean  to  do  with 
me,  but  if  they  kill  me  you  must  not  kill  the  officer.  It 
will  do  no  good  to  avenge  my  death  by  killing  him. " 

Yellow  Bull  returned  to  my  camp.  I  did  not  make  any 
agreement  that  day  with  General  Miles.  The  battle  was 
renewed  while  I  was  with  him.  I  was  very  anxious  about 
my  people.  I  knew  that  we  were  near  Sitting  Bull's  camp 
in  King  George's  land,  and  I  thought  maybe  the  Nez 
Perces  who  had  escaped  would  return  with  assistance. 
No  great  damage  was  done  to  either  party  during  the 
night. 

On  the  following  morning  I  returned  to  my  camp  by 
agreement,  meeting  the  officer  who  had  been  held  a 
prisoner  in  my  camp  at  the  flag  of  truce.  My  people  were 
divided  about  surrendering.  We  could  have  escaped 
from  Bear  Paw  Mountain  if  we  had  left  our  wounded, 
old  women,  and  children  behind.  We  were  unwilling  to 
do  this.  We  had  never  heard  of  a  wounded  Indian  re 
covering  while  in  the  hands  of  white  men. 
*  On  the  evening  of  the  fourth  day,  General  Howard 
came  in  with  a  small  escort,  together  with  my  friend 
Chapman.  We  could  now  talk  understandingly.  General 
Miles  said  to  me  in  plain  words,  "If  you  will  come  out 
and  give  up  your  arms,  I  will  spare  your  lives  and  send 
you  back  to  the  reservation."  I  do  not  know  what  passed 
between  General  Miles  and  General  Howard. 

I  could  not  bear  to  see  my  wounded  men  and  women 
suffer  any  longer;  we  had  lost  enough  already.  General 


70  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Miles  had  promised  that  we  might  return  to  our  country 
with  what  stock  we  had  left.  I  thought  we  could  start 
again.  I  believed  General  Miles,  or  1  never  would  have 
surrendered.  I  have  heard  that  he  has  been  censured  for 
making  the  promise  to  return  us  to  Lapwai.  He  could 
not  have  made  any  other  terms  with  me  at  that  time.  I 
would  have  held  him  in  check  until  my  friends  came  to 
my  assistance,  and  then  neither  of  the  generals  nor  their 
soldiers  would  have  ever  left  Bear  Paw  Mountain  alive. 

On  the  fifth  day  I  went  to  General  Miles  and  gave  up 
my  gun,  and  said,  "  From  where  the  sun  now  stands  I 
will  fight  no  more."  My  people  needed  rest  —  we  wanted 
peace. 

I  was  told  we  could  go  with  General  Miles  to  Tongue 
River  and  stay  there  until  spring,  when  we  would  be  sent 
back  to  our  country.  Finally  it  was  decided  that  we  were 
to  be  taken  to  Tongue  River.  We  had  nothing  to  say 
about  it.  After  our  arrival  at  Tongue  River,  General 
Miles  received  orders  to  take  us  to  Bismarck.  The  reason 
given  was,  that  subsistence  would  be  cheaper  there. 

General  Miles  was  opposed  to  this  order.  He  said: 
"You  must  not  blame  me.  I  have  endeavored  to  keep 
my  word,  but  the  chief  who  is  over  me  has  given  the 
order,  and  I  must  obey  it  or  resign.  That  would  do  you 
no  good.  Some  other  officer  would  carry  out  the  order." 

I  believe  General  Miles  would  have  kept  his  word  if 
he  could  have  done  so.  I  do  not  blame  him  for  what  we 
have  suffered  since  the  surrender.  I  do  not  know  who 
is  to  blame.  We  gave  up  all  our  horses  —  over  eleven 
hundred  —  and  all  our  saddles  —  over  one  hundred  — 
and  we  have  not  heard  from  them  since.  Somebody  has 
got  our  horses. 

General  Miles  turned  my  people  over  to  another 
soldier,  and  we  were  taken  to  Bismarck.  Captain  John- 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        71 

son,  who  now  had  charge  of  us,  received  an  order  to  take 
us  to  Fort  Leavenworth.  At  Leavenworth  we  were  placed 
in  on  a  low  river  bottom,  with  no  water  except  river 
water  to  drink  and  cook  with.  We  had  always  lived  in  a 
healthy  country,  where  the  mountains  were  high  and  the 
water  was  cold  and  clear.  Many  of  our  people  sickened 
and  died,  and  we  buried  them  in  this  strange  land.*  I 
cannot  tell  how  much  my  heart  suffered  for  my  people 
while  at  Leavenworth.  The  Great  Spirit  Chief  who  rules 
above  seemed  to  be  looking  some  other  way,  and  did 
not  see  what  was  being  done  to  my  people. 

During  the  hot  days  (July,  1878)  we  received  notice 
that  we  were  to  be  moved  farther  away  from  our  own 
country.  We  were  not  asked  if  we  were  willing  to  go. 
We  were  ordered  to  get  into  the  railroad-cars.  Three 
of  my  people  died  on  the  way  to  Baxter  Springs.  It  was 
worse  to  die  there  than  to  die  fighting  in  the  mountains. 

We  were  moved  from  Baxter  Springs  (Kansas)  to  the 
Indian  Territory  and  set  down  without  our  lodges. 
We  had  but  little  medicine  and  we  were  nearly  all  sick. 
Seventy  of  my  people  have  died  since  we  moved  there. 

We  have  had  a  great  many  visitors  who  have  talked 
many  ways.  Some  of  the  chiefs  (General  Fish  and  Colo 
nel  Stickney)  from  Washington  came  to  see  us,  and 
selected  land  for  us  to  live  upon.  We  have  not  moved 
to  that  land,  for  it  is  not  a  good  place  to  live. 

The  Commissioner  Chief  (E.  A.  Hayt)  came  to  see 
us.  I  told  him,  as  I  told  every  one,  that  I  expected  Gen 
eral  Miles'  word  would  be  carried  out.  He  said  it  "could 
not  be  done;  that  white  men  now  lived  in  my  country 
and  all  the  land  was  taken  up;  that,  if  I  returned  to 
Wallowa,  I  could  not  live  in  peace;  that  law-papers  were 
out  against  my  young  men  who  began  the  war,  and  that 

*  I  can  corroborate  this.      I  saw  them  there  often. — C.  T.  B. 


72  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

the  Government  could  not  protect  my  people."  This 
talk  fell  like  a  heavy  stone  upon  my  heart.  I  saw  that  I 
could  not  gain  anything  by  talking  to  him.  Other  law 
chiefs  (Congressional  Committee)  came  to  see  us  and 
said  they  would  help  me  to  get  a  healthy  country.  I  did 
not  know  whom  to  believe.  The  white  people  have  too 
many  chiefs.  They  do  not  understand  each  other.  They 
do  not  talk  alike. 

The  Commissioner  Chief  (Mr.  Hayt)  invited  me  to  go 
with  him  and  hunt  for  a  better  home  than  we  have  now. 
I  like  the  land  we  found  (west  of  the  Osage  Reservation) 
better  than  any  place  I  have  seen  in  that  country;  but  it 
is  not  a  healthy  land.  There  are  no  mountains  and  rivers. 
The  water  is  warm.  It  is  not  a  good  country  for  stock.  I 
do  not  believe  my  people  can  live  there.  I  am  afraid 
they  will  all  die.  The  Indians  who  occupy  that  country 
are  dying  off.  I  promised  Chief  Hayt  to  go  there,  and  do 
the  best  I  could  until  the  Government  got  ready  to  make 
good  General  Miles'  word.  I  was  not  satisfied,  but  I 
could  not  help  myself. 

Then  the  Inspector  Chief  (General  McNiel)  came  to 
my  camp  and  we  had  a  long  talk.  He  said  I  ought  to 
have  a  home  in  the  mountain  country  north,  and  that  he 
would  write  a  letter  to  the  Great  Chief  in  Washington. 
Again  the  hope  of  seeing  the  mountains  of  Idaho  and 
Oregon  grew  up  in  my  heart. 

At  last  I  was  granted  permission  to  come  to  Wash 
ington  and  bring  my  friend  Yellow  Bull  and  our  in 
terpreter  with  me.  I  am  glad  we  came.  I  have  shaken 
hands  with  a  great  many  friends,  but  there  are  some 
things  I  want  to  know  which  no  one  seems  able  to  ex 
plain.  I  cannot  understand  how  the  Government  sends 
a  man  out  to  fight  us,  as  it  did  General  Miles,  and  then 
breaks  his  word.  Such  a  Government  has  something 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        73 

wrong  about  it.  1  cannot  understand  why  so  many 
chiefs  are  allowed  to  talk  so  many  different  ways,  and 
promise  so  many  different  things.  I  have  seen  the  Great 
Father  Chief  (the  President);  the  next  Great  Chief 
(Secretary  of  the  Interior);  the  Commissioner  Chief 
(Hayt);  the  Law  Chief  (General  Butler),  and  many  other 
law  chiefs  (Congressmen),  and  they  all  say  they  are  my 
friends,  and  that  I  shall  have  justice,  but  while  their 
mouths  all  talk  right  I  do  not  understand  why  nothing  is 
done  for  my  people.  I  have  heard  talk  and  talk,  but 
nothing  is  done.  Good  words  do  not  last  long  until  they 
amount  to  something.  Words  do  not  pay  for  my  dead 
people.  They  do  not  pay  for  my  country,  now  overrun 
by  white  men.  They  do  not  protect  my  father's  grave. 
They  do  not  pay  for  my  horses  and  cattle.  Good  words 
will  not  give  me  back  my  children.  Good  words  will  not 
make  good  the  promise  of  your  War  Chief,  General 
Miles.  Good  words  will  not  give  my  people  good  health 
and  stop  them  from  dying.  Good  words  will  not  get  my 
people  a  home  where  they  can  live  in  peace  and  take 
care  of  themselves.  I  am  tired  of  talk  that  comes  to 
nothing.  It  makes  my  heart  sick  when  I  remember  all 
the  good  words  and  all  the  broken  promises.  There  has 
been  too  much  talking  by  men  who  had  no  right  to  talk. 
Too  many  misrepresentations  have  been  made,  too  many 
misunderstandings  have  come  up  between  the  white 
men  about  the  Indians.  If  the  white  man  wants  to  live  in 
peace  with  the  Indian  he  can  live  in  peace.  There  need 
be  no  trouble.  Treat  all  men  alike.  Give  them  all  the 
same  law.  Give  them  all  an  even  chance  to  live  and 
grow.  All  men  were  made  by  the  same  Great  Spirit  Chief. 
They  are  all  brothers.  The  earth  is  the  mother  of  all 
people,  and  all  people  should  have  equal  rights  upon  it. 
You  might  as  well  expect  the  rivers  to  run  backward  as 


74  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

that  any  man  who  was  born  a  free  man  should  be  con 
tented  penned  up  and  denied  liberty  to  go  where  he 
pleases.  If  you  tie  a  horse  to  a  stake,  do  you  expect  he 
will  grow  fat  ?  If  you  pen  an  Indian  up  on  a  small  spot  of 
earth,  and  compel  him  to  stay  there,  he  will  not  be  con 
tented  nor  will  he  grow  and  prosper.  I  have  asked  some 
of  the  great  white  chiefs  where  they  get  their  authority 
to  say  to  the  Indian  that  he  shall  stay  in  one  place,  while 
he  sees  white  men  going  where  they  please.  They  can 
not  tell  me. 

I  only  ask  of  the  Government  to  be  treated  as  all  other 
men  are  treated.  If  I  cannot  go  to  my  own  home,  let  me 
have  a  home  in  some  country  where  my  people  will  not 
die  so  fast.  I  would  like  to  go  to  Bitter  Root  Valley. 
There  my  people  would  be  healthy;  where  they  are  now 
they  are  dying.  Three  have  died  since  I  left  my  camp 
to  come  to  Washington. 

When  I  think  of  our  condition  my  heart  is  heavy.  I  see 
men  of  my  race  treated  as  outlaws  and  driven  from 
country  to  country,  or  shot  down  like  animals. 

I  know  that  my  race  must  change.  We  cannot  hold 
our  own  with  the  white  men  as  we  are.  We  only  ask  an 
even  chance  to  live  as  other  men  live.  We  ask  to  be  rec 
ognized  as  men.  We  ask  that  the  same  law  shall  work 
alike  on  all  men.  If  the  Indian  breaks  the  law,  punish 
him  by  the  law.  If  the  white  man  breaks  the  law,  punish 
him  also. 

Let  me  be  a  free  man  —  free  to  travel,  free  to  stop, 
free  to  work,  free  to  trade,  where  I  choose,  free  to  choose 
my  own  teachers,  free  to  follow  the  religion  of  my  fathers, 
free  to  think  and  talk  and  act  for  myself —  and  I  will 
obey  every  law,  or  submit  to  the  penalty. 

Whenever  the  white  man  treats  the  Indian  as  they 
treat  each  other,  then  we  shall  have  no  more  wars.  We 


Chief  Joseph's  Own  Story        75 

shall  be  all  alike  —  brothers  of  one  father  and  one 
mother,  with  one  sky  above  us  and  one  country  around 
us,  and  one  government  for  all.  Then  the  Great  Spirit 
Chief  who  rules  above  will  smile  upon  this  land,  and 
send  rain  to  wash  out  the  bloody  spots  made  by  broth 
ers'  hands  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  For  this  time  the 
Indian  race  are  waiting  and  praying.  I  hope  that  no  more 
groans  of  wounded  men  and  women  will  ever  go  to  the 
ear  of  the  Great  Spirit  Chief  above,  and  that  all  people 
may  be  one  people. 

In-mut-too-vah-lat-lat  has  spoken  for  his  people. 

YOUNG  JOSEPH. 


CHAPTER  THREE 

General  Howard's  Comment  on  Joseph's 
Narrative 

By  Maj.-Gen.   O.   O.   Howard,  United   States  Army 

(Retired) 

ON  reading  in  the  North  American  Review 
for  April  the  article  entitled  "An  Indian's 
View  of  Indian  Affairs,"  I  was  so  pleased 
with  Joseph's  statement  —  necessarily  ex 
parte  though  it  was,  and  naturally  inspired  by  resent 
ment  toward  me  as  a  supposed  enemy  —  that  at  first  I 
had  no  purpose  of  making  a  rejoinder.  But  when  I  saw 
in  the  Army  and  Navy  yournal  long  passages  quoted 
from  Joseph's  tale,  which  appeared  to  reflect  unfavor 
ably  upon  my  official  conduct,  to  lay  upon  me  the  blame 
of  the  atrocious  murders  committed  by  the  Indians,  and 
to  convict  me  of  glaring  faults  where  I  had  deemed  my 
self  worthy  only  of  commendation,  I  addressed  to  the 
editor  of  that  journal  a  communication  (which  has 
been  published)  correcting  misstatements,  and  briefly 
setting  forth  the  facts  of  the  case. 

If  I  had  had  the  power  and  management  entirely  in 
my  hands,  I  believe  I  could  have  healed  that  old  sore, 
and  established  peace  and  amity  with  Joseph's  Indians. 
It  could  only  have  been  done,  first,  by  a  retrocession  of 
Wallowa  (already  belonging  to  Oregon)  to  the  United 

76 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  77 

States,  and  then  setting  that  country  apart  forever  for 
the  Indians  without  the  retention  of  any  Government 
authority  whatever;  and,  second,  by  the  removal  there 
from  of  every  white  settler,  making  to  each  a  proper 
remuneration  for  his  land  and  improvements.  But  this 
power  I  did  not  have,  and  the  Indian  management  did 
not  belong  to  my  department. 

Now  permit  me  to  present  a  few  simple  facts  which 
will  show  whether,  in  manner  or  matter,  I  have  failed  to 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  situation.  .  .  .  Gov 
ernor  Stevens  and  Joel  Palmer,  in  1855,  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Nez  Perces,  including  all  the  different  bands. 
Joseph's  bands  were  parties  to  the  treaty,  and  Joseph's 
father  signed  it.  This  ceded  and  relinquished  to  the 
United  States  all  land  that  the  Nez  Perces  claimed  out 
side  of  the  limits  then  fixed  and  agreed  upon. 

This  treaty,  be  it  remembered,  included  Wallowa 
and  Imnaha  Valleys.  In  1863  the  United  States,  by  their 
commissioners,  made  another  treaty  with  the  Nez  Perces 
—  fifty-one  chiefs  participating.  This  treaty  reduced  the 
limits  so  as  to  constitute  the  reservation  in  Lapwai,  as 
it  now  is,  and  ceded  all  the  land  outside  to  the  United 
States.  Wallowa  and  Imnaha  were  left  out. 

Joseph's  band,  and  a  few  other  bands,  now  known  as 
the  Salmon  River  or  White  Bird's  band,  lived  east  of  the 
reservation,  and  the  Palouse  or  Hush-hush-cute's  band, 
west  of  the  same.  These,  with  a  few  more,  on  and  off 
the  reserve,  constitute  what  are  called  "non-treaties." 
The  vast  majority  who  made  the  treaty  have  kept  good 
faith  and  are  called  "treaty  Indians."  James  Lawyer, 
the  present  head-chief,  is  an  excellent  man;  dresses  as  a 
white  man,  and  has  a  good  house  and  farm.  Now,  notice 
the  difference;  Joseph  says:  "Governor  Stevens  urged 
my  father  to  sign  the  treaty  (1855),  but  he  refused"; 


7  8  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  then  he  goes  on  to  give  us  a  graphic  account  of  this 
refusal  and  its  consequences.  He  "cautioned  his  people 
to  take  no  presents."  He  "was  invited  to  many  councils, 
and  they  tried  hard  to  make  him  sign  the  treaty,  but  he 
was  firm  as  a  rock  and  would  not  sign  away  his  home," 
etc.  Now,  all  this  is  very  fine;  yet  his  father  did  sign  the 
treaty.  His  name  is  the  third  on  the  list,  and  there  are 
eleven  white  witnesses,  besides  the  makers  of  the  instru 
ment. 

Governor  Grover  says  in  his  message:  "The  reserva 
tion  named  became  the  common  property  of  the  whole 
tribe."  Joseph  and  his  band  acknowledged  these  conclu 
sions  also,  by  accepting  the  benefit  of  the  treaty  of  1855. 

Such  is  the  record  of  history,  in  precise  contradiction 
to  Young  Joseph's  traditional  statement.  But  he  states 
truly  the  claim  (based  on  the  treaty  of  1863),  of  the 
United  States  to  Wallowa,  and  Joseph's  constant  de 
murrer  thereto.  The  underlying  cause  of  all  the  troubles, 
finally  resulting  in  the  war,  is  Joseph's  assumption  that, 
as  sub-chief,  he  is  not  bound  by  this  treaty,  inasmuch  as 
he  has  ever  refused  to  sign  it. 

Again,  the  account  of  Joseph  concerning  his  father's 
death,  and  his  home,  is  beautiful  and  quite  affecting.  I 
dislike  to  mar  the  effect  of  it,  yet  it  is  a  known  fact  that 
when  the  United  States  agents  sought  to  make  some 
definite  arrangement,  proposing  to  give  this  land  to  the 
tribe  as  a  home,  the  offer  was  refused.  The  Governor  of 
Oregon  writes  in  1873:  "This  small  band  wish  the  pos 
session  of  this  large  section  of  Oregon  simply  to  gratify 
a  wild,  roaming  disposition,  and  not  for  a  home."  And 
even  up  to  the  last  peace  council  the  objection  was  not 
that  "you  take  from  us  our  home"  (for  they  intended  to 
live  part  of  the  year  with  the  remainder  of  the  tribe), 
but "  you  take  away  our  liberty;  fix  bounds  to  our  habi- 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  79 

tation,  and  give  law  to  us.  The  land  is  ours,  and  not 
yours." 

Joseph's  pictures  of  frontier  troubles  between  whites 
and  Indians  are  graphic  and  true.  The  killing  of  a 
member  of  his  tribe  by  a  white  man  he  refers  to.  This 
came  near  causing  an  outbreak.  The  troops  intervened 
between  the  settlers  and  the  Indians,  and  the  latter 
quieted  down.  But  the  slow  process  of  the  civil  law,  and 
the  prejudice  against  Indians  in  all  frontier  courts,  al 
most  invariably  prevent  the  punishment  of  crimes  against 
Indians.  I  did  what  I  could  to  further  the  ends  of  justice, 
in  bringing  the  guilty  to  trial;  but  my  efforts  in  this  case 
resulted  in  nothing.  The  Indian  has  a  complaint  against 
us  (army  and  agents),  because  we  can  and  do  punish 
him,  but  do  not  and  cannot  punish  white  men  who  steal 
the  Indian's  property  and  take  life. 

"  But  no  war  was  made  on  my  people  until  General 
Howard  came  to  our  country  two  years  ago,"  etc.  This 
has  all  the  summary  brevity  of  Shakspere's  history,  but 
is  not  more  accurate.  The  facts  are,  that  I  had  been  in 
command  of  the  department  since  the  fall  of  1874,  and 
had  many  dealings  with  Joseph  and  his  people. 

The  "non-treaties"  became  suspiciously  restless  dur 
ing  the  Modoc  troubles.  This  was  quieted  by  my  worthy 
predecessor,  by  sending  a  considerable  force  among 
them  just  after  the  Modoc  War. 

General  Davis,  speaking  of  a  large  gathering  of  In 
dians  that  boded  difficulty  at  the  Wee-ipe,  says:  "The 
troops  did  not  interfere  with  the  council  (twelve  hundred 
Indians),  but  their  presence  there  for  about  ten  days 
had  the  effect  to  disperse  it.  General  dissatisfaction, 
however,  seemed  to  prevail  among  the  'non-treaty  Nez 
Perces.'  This  was  particularly  the  case  with  Joseph's 
band,  the  claimants  of  Wallowa  Valley." 


80  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Again,  the  same  year  (1874),  these  Indians  were  so 
restless  and  threatening  that  Maj.  John  Green,  First 
Cavalry,  was  sent  to  Wallowa  Valley  with  two  com 
panies,  and  remained  till  the  Indians  left  for  their  winter 
quarters. 

The  next  year  (1875),  I  say  in  my  report:  "The 
troubles  at  Lapwai  and  Wallowa  Valley  have  not  thus 
far  resulted  in  bloodshed;  but  it  has  been  prevented  by 
great  carefulness  and  provision  on  the  part  of  the  Gov 
ernment  agents." 

The  year  following  (1876),  my  report  goes  into  the 
trouble  again  at  length,  mentioning  the  grave  fact  that 
"an  Indian  was  killed  by  a  white  man  in  a  dispute  con 
cerning  some  stock,"  and  winds  up  with  these  words: 
"And  renew  my  recommendation  of  a  commission  to 
hear  and  settle  the  whole  matter,  before  war  is  even 
thought  of."  The  commission  was  at  last  ordered,  but 
not  until  after  blood  had  been  shed  —  not  till  after  the 
Indians  had  stood  up  in  battle  array  against  armed 
citizens  in  Wallowa;  and  a  conflict  was  averted  only  by 
the  intervention  of  regular  troops.  The  commission 
came,  held  its  memorable  sessions  at  Lapwai  in  Novem 
ber  of  1876,  and  labored  hard  and  long  to  get  the  con 
sent  of  the  disaffected  "non-treaty  Indians"  to  some 
measures  of  adjustment. 

Here  are  a  few  of  the  facts  developed  by  this  commission:  "The 
Dreamers,  among  other  pernicious  doctrines,  teach  that  the  earth 
being  created  by  God  complete,  should  not  be  disturbed  by  man;  and 
that  any  cultivation  of  the  soil  or  other  improvements  to  interfere  with 
its  natural  productions;  any  voluntary  submission  to  the  control  of 
the  Government;  any  improvement  in  the  way  of  schools,  churches, 
etc.,  are  crimes  from  which  they  shrink.  This  fanaticism  is  kept  alive 
by  the  superstition  of  these  Dreamers,  who  industriously  teach  that 
if  they  continue  steadfast  in  their  present  belief  a  leader  will  be  raised 
up  (in  the  East),  who  will  restore  all  the  dead  Indians  to  life,  who  will 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  81 

unite  with  them  in  expelling  the  whites  from  their  country,  when  they 
will  again  enter  upon  and  repossess  the  lands  of  their  ancestors. 

"Influenced  by  such  belief,  Joseph  and  his  band  firmly  declined  to 
enter  into  any  negotiations,  or  make  any  arrangements  that  looked  to 
a  final  settlement  of  the  question  pending  between  him  and  the  Gov 
ernment  .  .  .  yet,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  these  Indians  do  not 
claim  simply  this  (rights  ot  occupancy),  but  set  up  an  absolute  title  to 
the  lands,  an  absolute  and  independent  sovereignty,  and  refuse  even 
to  be  limited  in  their  claim  and  control,  necessity,  humanity,  and  good 
sense  constrain  the  Government  to  set  metes  and  bounds  and  give 
regulations  to  these  non-treaty  Indians.  .  .  .  And  if  the  prin 
ciple  usually  applied  by  the  Government,  of  holding  that  the  Indians 
with  whom  they  have  treaties  are  bound  by  majorities,  is  here  applied, 
Joseph  should  be  required  to  live  within  the  limits  of  the  present  reser 
vation." 

The  commission,  though  firm  and  strong  in  the  expression  of  its 
opinion,  was  very  patient  with  and  kind  to  the  Indians.  I  was  a  member 
of  this  commission,  and  earnestly  desired  peace.  I  took  Joseph's 
brother  by  himself  and  showed  him  how  much  it  would  be  for  the 
Indians'  advantage  to  come  to  some  settlement  and  spent  a  long  time 
in  giving  him  and  his  brother,  in  the  kindest  manner,  the  benefit  of 
my  counsel.  They  appeared  at  one  time  almost  on  the  point  of  yielding, 
but  bad  advice  intervened  to  renew  the  Dreamer  sophistry.  The  com 
mission  promised  that  they  should  annually  visit  Wallowa,  and  so 
recommended.  But  here  are  a  few  closing  words:  "If  these  Indians 
overrun  land  belonging  to  the  whites  and  commit  depredations  on  their 
property,  disturb  the  peace  by  threats  or  otherwise,  or  commit  other 
overt  acts  of  hostility,  we  recommend  the  employment  of  sufficient  force 
to  bring  them  into  subjection,  and  to  place  them  upon  the  Nez  Perces 
Reservation.  The  Indian  agent  at  Lapwai  should  be  fully  instructed  to 
carry  into  execution  these  suggestions,  relying  at  all  times  upon  the 
department  commander  for  aid  when  necessary." 

Now,  there  was  nothing  like  precipitancy  in  all  this; 
so  that  the  wonderfully  abrupt  advent  of  General  How 
ard,  with  a  fear  of  the  laughter  of  the  white  man  in  his 
heart,  and  a  threat  of  violence  on  his  tongue,  is  all 
fiction. 

Doubtless  Joseph  was  told  that  the  commission  had 


82  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

recommended  "that  Wallowa  should  be  held  by  military 
occupation, "  to  prevent  and  not  to  make  war,  and  that  I 
should  have  the  work  to  do. 

This  commissioner's  report  was  approved  at  Wash 
ington.  The  Indian  Agent,  Mr.  Monteith,  did  all  that 
lay  in  his  power  to  carry  out  the  recommendations  at 
first  without  military  aid. 

The  Indians  called  me  to  an  interview  first  at  Walla 
Walla,  afterward  at  Lapwai.  At  Walla  Walla  the  talk 
with  Joseph's  brother  Ollicut  was  exceedingly  pleasant. 
I  write  of  it,  "The  old  medicine-man  looks  happy,  and 
Ollicut  believes  we  shall  have  no  trouble. 

"  I  made  the  appointment  for  Lapwai  in  twelve  days, 
but  I  went  to  Lewiston  immediately  to  meet  the  officers 
of  Fort  Lapwai,  and  Indian  Agent  Monteith,  to  read 
to  them  carefully  the  full  instructions  from  the  Honor 
able  Secretary  of  War,  General  Sherman,  and  the 
commanding  general  of  the  military  division,  in  relation 
especially  to  the  agency  the  military  was  to  have  in 
placing  the  Indians  upon  the  reservation." 

I  made  a  visit  to  Wallula  and  then  returned  by  stage 
to  meet  the  non-treaties  at  Lapwai  the  3rd  of  May  (1877). 
This  is  the  council  to  which  Joseph  invited  me,  and  not 
I  him,  as  he  alleges. 

Before  giving  points  in  this  interview  in  answer  to 
Joseph's  statements,  I  must  state  that  Mr.  Monteith, 
Indian  Agent,  had  been  instructed  by  his  chief  at  Wash 
ington,  to  bring  the  "non-treaty  Nez  Perces"  upon  their 
reservation.  He  had  made  his  official  demand  upon  me. 
I  had  been  positively  ordered  to  give  the  essential  aid. 
There  was  now  nothing  left  to  parley  about,  yet  to  please 
the  Indians  I  had  promised  to  meet  them  again,  and  I 
did. 

These  picturesque  people  came  in  sight,  after  keeping 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  83 

us  waiting  long  enough  for  effect.  They  drew  near  the 
hollow  square  of  the  post  and  in  sight  of  us,  the  small 
company  to  be  interviewed.  They  struck  up  their  song. 
They  were  not  armed  except  with  a  few  "tomahawk- 
pipes"  that  could  be  smoked  with  the  peaceful  tobacco 
or  penetrate  the  skull-bone  of  an  enemy,  at  the  will 
of  the  holder";  yet,  somehow,  this  wild  song  produces  a 
strange  effect.  Our  ladies,  thinking  it  a  war-song,  ask 
with  some  show  of  trepidation,  "Do  you  think  Joseph 
means  to  fight  ?"  The  Indians  sweep  around  the  fence 
and  make  the  entire  circuit,  still  keeping  up  the  song 
as  they  ride,  the  buildings  breaking  the  refrain  into 
irregular  bubblings  of  sound  till  the  ceremony  was 
completed. 

After  all  had  finally  gathered  at  the  tent,  and  Father 
Cataldo  had  opened  by  a  prayer  in  the  Nez  Perces 
language,  I  turned  to  Joseph  and  said  through  Mr. 
Whitman  (the  interpreter) :  "  I  heard  from  your  brother 
Ollicut,  twelve  days  ago  at  Walla  Walla,  that  you  wished 
to  see  me.  I  am  now  here  to  listen  to  what  you  have  to 
say." 

Joseph  then  told  me  of  other  Indians  coming  and  said, 
"You  must  not  be  in  a  hurry  to  go  till  all  get  in,  to  have 
a  talk." 

I  replied:  "Mr.  Monteith,  the  Indian  Agent,  and  I 
have  our  instructions  from  Washington.  They  send  us 
to  your  people.  If  you  decide  at  once  to  comply  with  the 
wishes  of  the  Government,  you  can  have  the  first  pick 
of  vacant  land.  We  will  wait  for  White  Bird  if  you  desire 
it.  Instructions  to  him  are  the  same  as  to  you.  He  can 
have  his  turn."  And  an  old  Dreamer  intimating  that 
they  wished  a  long  talk,  the  answer  is:  "Mr.  Monteith 
and  I  wished  to  hear  what  you  have  to  say,  whatever 
time  it  may  take;  but  you  may  as  well  know  at  the  outset 


84  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

that,  in  any  event,  the  Indians  must  obey  the  orders  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States. " 

Mr.  Monteith  then  read  his  instructions  from  the  In 
dian  Bureau  to  the  Indians  and  had  them  carefully 
interpreted  to  them,  and  also  explained  how  he  had  al 
ready  informed  them  of  the  orders  to  come  on  the  reser 
vation  through  Reuben  (then  head-chief  at  Lapwai) 
and  that  they  had  scorned  his  message.  "Now,  you  must 
come,  and  there  is  no  getting  out  of  it.  Your  Indians,  and 
White  Bird's,  can  pick  up  your  horses  and  cattle  and 
come  on  the  reservation.  .  .  .  General  Howard 
will  stay  till  matters  are  settled." 

Ollicut  replied  at  length,  objecting  to  considering 
matters  settled. 

I  rejoined:  "Joseph,  the  agent,  Mr.  Monteith,  and 
myself  are  under  the  same  Government.  What  it  com 
mands  us  to  do,  that  we  must  do.  The  Indians  are  to 
come  on  the  reservation  first;  then  they  may  have  privi 
leges,  as  the  agent  has  shown,  to  hunt  and  to  fish  in  the 
Imnaha  Valley.  If  the  Indians  hesitate  to  come  to  the 
reservation,  the  Government  directs  that  soldiers  be 
used  to  bring  them  hither.  Joseph  and  Ollicut  know 
that  we  are  friends  to  them,  and  that  if  they  comply 
there  will  be  no  trouble." 

Everybody  at  this  council  was  in  good  humor,  ex 
cept  two  old  Dreamers  who  tried  to  make  a  disturbance. 
I  told  them  pointedly  to  give  good  advice.  My  manner 
I  will  not  judge  of.  It  is  my  usual  manner,  proceeding 
from  the  kindest  of  feelings,  and  from  an  endeavor  to 
behave  as  a  gentleman  to  the  weakest  or  most  ignorant 
human  being.  The  Indians,  excepting  the  two  I  have 
named,  made  no  angry  remarks.  We  shook  hands  and 
separated,  to  wait  as  Joseph  had  requested. 

Joseph  has  turned  this  right   about  in  the   article 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  85 

published  in  the  Review  where  it  is  stated  that  he 
said,  "I  am  ready  to  talk  today,"  and  that  General 
Howard  would  not.  His  account  runs  two  days'  in 
terviews  into  one.  Joseph  never  made  that  interesting 
speech  ending  with  "I  do  not  believe  that  the  Great 
Spirit  Chief  gave  one  kind  of  men  the  right  to  tell  an 
other  kind  of  men  what  they  must  do."  And  I  did 
never  reply,  "You  want  to  dictate  to  me,  do  you  ?" 
We  always  treated  each  other  with  the  most  marked 
courtesy. 

On  May  4th  Joseph  made  a  brief  speech:  "This  is 
White  Bird;  I  spoke  to  you  of  him;  this  is  the  first  time 
he  has  seen  you  and  you  him.  I  want  him  and  his  Indians 
to  understand  what  has  been  said  to  us." 

White  Bird  was  a  demure-looking  Indian,  about  five 
feet  eight  inches  in  height.  His  face  assumed  the  con 
dition  of  impassability  while  in  council;  he  kept  his 
ceremonial  hat  on,  and  placed  a  large  eagle's  wing  in 
front  of  his  eyes  and  nose. 

The  sub-chief  and  Dreamer,  Too-hool-hool-suit,  was 
broad-shouldered,  deep-chested,  five  feet  ten  in  height, 
had  a  deep  guttural  voice,  and  betrayed  in  every  word 
a  strong  and  settled  hatred  of  all  Caucasians.  This  man 
the  Indians  now  put  forward  to  speak  for  them  —  not 
that  they  had  already  decided  to  indorse  his  sentiments, 
but  because  he  always  counseled  war;  they  evidently 
desired  to  see  what  effect  his  public  utterance  would 
produce  upon  us. 

Now,  instead  of  the  mild  and  respectful  speech  attrib 
uted  to  this  surly  Indian  by  Joseph,  a  speech  that  was 
followed  by  my  causeless  loss  of  temper,  Mr.  Monteith 
and  I  heard  him  patiently,  for  quite  a  length  of  time, 
asserting  his  independence  and  uttering  rebellious 
speeches  against  the  Washington  authority.  We  replied 


86  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

firmly  and  kindly  as  before,  explaining  everything  and 
showing  the  imperative  nature  of  our  instructions. 

The  White  Bird  Indians  were  very  tired  that  day,  and 
Joseph  again  asked  for  delay.  The  record  reads:  "Let 
the  Indians  take  time;  let  them  wait  till  Monday  morn 
ing,  and  meanwhile  talk  among  themselves.  So,  with 
pleasant  faces  and  cordial  handshaking,  the  second 
interview  broke  up." 

How  different  this  is  from  Joseph's  account  of  the 
affair,  in  which  he  condenses  the  whole  narrative  into 
the  arrest  of  Too-hool-hool-suit  upon  his  first  appear 
ance,  and  without  provocation. 

Now  (Monday,  May  yth),  we  came  together  again. 
The  "non-treaties"  had  received  large  accessions.  The 
display  (previous  to  seating  themselves)  gave  them 
great  boldness.  Our  garrison  was  but  a  handful,  and  the 
manner  of  the  Indians  was  now  defiant.  Mr.  Monteith 
began  in  the  kindest  manner  to  show  the  Indians  that 
their  religion  would  not  be  interfered  with,  nor  their 
ceremonies,  unless  the  peace  was  disturbed  by  excessive 
drumming. 

Then  Too-hool-hool-suit  began  in  the  most  offen 
sive  style.  We  listened  to  the  oft-repeated  Dreamer 
nonsense  with  no  impatience,  till  finally  he  accused 
us  of  speaking  untruthfully  about  the  chieftainship  of 
the  earth. 

I  thought  the  time  had  come  to  check  his  tirade.  I  was 
not  in  the  least  angry,  if  I  recall  my  mood  with  accuracy; 
I  did  not  lose  my  temper,  but  I  did  assume  a  severity  of 
tone  sufficient  to  show  that  I  understood  the  drift  of  the 
council,  and  that  we  were  not  to  be  intimidated.  My 
first  words  were:  "I  do  not  want  to  interfere  with  your 
religion,  but  you  must  talk  about  practicable  things. 
Twenty  times  over  I  hear  that  the  earth  is  your  mother, 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  87 

and  about  the  chieftainship  of  the  earth;  I  want  to  hear 
it  no  more,  but  to  come  to  business  at  once." 

He  then  talked  against  the  treaty  Indians,  and  said 
they  had  no  law,  or  their  law  was  born  of  to-day;  then 
against  us  white  people  for  attempting  to  divide  the 
earth,  and  defiantly  asking,  "What  do  you  mean  ?" 

Mr.  Monteith  explained:  "The  law  is,  you  must  come 
to  the  reservation.  The  law  is  made  in  Washington;  we 
don't  make  it."  Then,  again,  the  Dreamer  goes  over  the 
same  ground  and  becomes  fiercer  and  fiercer.  The  crowd 
of  Indians  are  becoming  excited,  and  I  saw  that  I  must 
act,  and  that  very  promptly.  The  record  is:  "The  rough 
old  fellow,  in  his  most  provoking  tone,  says  something 
in  a  short  sentence,  looking  fiercely  at  me.  The  interpre 
ter  quickly  says:  'He  demands  what  person  pretends  to 
divide  the  land  and  put  me  on  it  ?'  In  the  most  decided 
voice  I  said:  'I  am  the  man;  I  stand  here  for  the  Presi 
dent,  and  there  is  no  spirit,  good  or  bad,  that  will  hinder 
me.  My  orders  are  plain  and  will  be  executed.  I  hoped 
that  the  Indians  had  good  sense  enough  to  make  me 
their  friend  and  not  their  enemy.'" 

From  various  unmistakable  signs  (I  am  no  novice 
with  Indians)  I  saw  that  immediate  trouble  was  at  hand. 
Joseph,  White  Bird,  and  Looking  Glass  indorsed  and 
encouraged  this  malcontent.  I  must  somehow  put  a 
wedge  between  them;  so  I  turned  to  this  Dreamer  and 
said,  "Then  you  do  not  propose  to  comply  with  the 
orders  of  the  Government  ?" 

After  considerable  more  growling  and  impudence  of 
manner,  he  answered  with  additional  fierceness,  "The 
Indians  may  do  what  they  like,  but  I  am  not  going  on 
the  reservation."  After  telling  the  Indians  that  this  bad 
advice  would  be  their  ruin,  I  asked  the  chiefs  to  go  with 
me  to  look  at  their  land.  "The  old  man  shall  not  go.  I 


88  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

will  leave  him  with  Colonel  Perry."  He  says,  "  Do  you 
want  to  scare  me  with  reference  to  my  body  ?"  I  said, 
"I  will  leave  your  body  with  Colonel  Perry."  I  then 
arose  and  led  him  out  of  the  council,  and  gave  him  in 
charge  of  Colonel  Perry. 

The  whole  tone  of  the  Indians  now  changed,  and  they 
readily  agreed  to  go  with  me  to  look  at  their  new  homes. 
They  may  have  thought  of  killing  me  then  and  there; 
but  a  bold,  quick,  unexpected  action  will  often  save  you 
in  extreme  peril.  Joseph's  manner  was  never  defiant. 
He  rode  with  me  to  look  at  what  Mr.  Monteith  had  in 
tended  for  him.  A  few  Indians  and  some  white  sojourn- 
ers  would  have  to  remove  to  other  lands,  to  put  Joseph's 
people  together.  We  lunched  together  at  Mr.  Colwell's 
and  then  returned  to  the  fort.  White  Bird  and  Looking 
Glass  appeared  to  be  happy  and  contented.  They  plead 
ed  for  the  release  of  Too-hool-hool-suit;  but  I  told  them 
to  wait  until  I  had  shown  them  their  land  which  Mr. 
Monteith  would  designate.  The  next  day  we  rode  to 
Kamiah  (sixty-five  miles),  and  the  next  went  to  the 
lands  intended.  White  Bird  picked  his  near  Looking 
Glass's  farms,  and  then  we  returned  to  Kamiah,  and  the 
next  day  following  to  Lapwai. 

Too-hool-hool-suit  was  released  on  the  pledge  of 
Looking  Glass  and  White  Bird,  and  on  his  earnest 
promise  to  behave  better  and  give  good  advice. 

Now  we  must  have  our  final  interview,  May  I4th. 
Joseph  concluded  to  go,  too,  near  Kamiah  with  the  rest. 
The  promises  were  put  in  writing.  No  objection  was 
made  to  thirty  days,  except  by  Hush-hush-cute.  I  gave 
him  thirty-five  days  because  he  had  not  had  so  early 
notice  of  removal. 

I  withheld  the  protection  papers  from  Hush-hush- 
cute  because  of  something  he  said,  which  indicated  that 


Comment  on  Joseph's  Narrative  89 

he  was  attempting  to  conceal  his  intentions.  So  I  left 
his  papers  with  the  agent.  There  was  general  joy  among 
the  treaty  Indians,  non-treaty  Indians,  and  whites,  at 
the  peaceful  outcome 'of  the  councils,  and  I  returned  to 
Portland. 

This  idea  that  General  Howard  caused  the  war  is  an 
after-thought. 

That  story  that  Joseph  asked  me  for  more  time  is  not 
true.  That  I  sent  orders  to  the  soldiers  to  drive  them  out 
on  their  return  to  Wallowa  is,  of  course,  untrue;  that 
would  have  disconcerted  everything;  on  the  contrary, 
the  officers  and  soldiers  were  simply  to  occupy  Wailowa 
in  the  interest  of  peace,  and  not  use  constraint  unless 
forced  to  do  so. 

The  statements  with  reference  to  our  losses  and  those 
of  the  Indians  are  all  wrong,  and  Joseph  does  not  tell 
how  his  own  Indians,  White  Bird  and  his  followers,  who 
treacherously  escaped,  after  the  terms  of  the  surrender 
had  been  agreed  upon  between  us  at  General  Miles' 
battle-field,  being  permitted  by  himself,  did  in  fact 
utterly  break  and  make  void  the  said  terms  of  surrender. 

These  Indians  were  to  return  to  Idaho,  not  because  of 
any  promise,  but  because  of  General  McDowell's  orders, 
requiring  all  the  Nez  Perce  prisoners  to  be  kept  in  my 
department.  This  order  was  changed  by  General  Sher 
man,  or  at  Washington. 


CHAPTER   FOUR 

The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon 

By  Maj.  and  Brev.  Col.  W.  R.  Parnell,  United  States 
Army  (Retired) 

THE  Wallowa  Valley  is  fifteen  or  twenty  miles 
east  of  the  Grande  Ronde  Valley  in  eastern 
Oregon,  and  had  long  been  a  bone  of  con 
tention  between  the  whites  and  a  band  of 
non-treaty  Nez  Perce  Indians  under  Chief  Joseph.  The 
whites  claimed  the  right  of  settlement  under  the  United 
States  Land  Acts,  and  while  no  determined  effort  on 
their  part  was  made  to  take  up  homestead,  preemption 
or  other  claims,  yet  they  kept  it  as  a  grazing  ground  for 
their  cattle,  while  the  Indians  denied  them  the  right  to 
such  privileges,  claiming  to  themselves  the  entire  con 
trol  of  the  valley  and  surrounding  hills  for  hunting  and 
fishing.  They  were  confirmed  in  this  right  by  the  Govern 
ment,  I  believe,  in  1855;  but  by  subsequent  authority 
from  Washington  the  land  was  thrown  open  for  settle 
ment  and  still  later  on  again  withdrawn. 

These  conflicting  rulings  the  Indian  did  not  clearly 
understand,  and  he  evidently  did  not  propose  to  be 
trifled  with  like  a  child  with  a  toy,  to  be  taken  away  from 
and  given  again  in  pleasure.  Quarrels  were  continually 
arising  between  the  red-men  and  the  white;  an  occasional 

90 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon  91 

steer  would  be  missing  from  the  white  man's  herd,  and 
ponies  would,  in  turn,  be  missing  from  that  of  the  In 
dian.  Fort  Walla  Walla  was  the  nearest  military  station 
to  this  disputed  territory  and  the  cavalry  troops  were 
constantly  moving  to  and  from  the  Grande  Ronde  and 
Wallowa  Valleys,  settling  differences  and  preserving 
the  peace,  from  the  date  of  regarrisoning  it  in  1873  until 
hostilities  commenced  in  1877. 

During  the  summer  months  two  troops  of  cavalry 
were  kept  in  camp  in  the  Wallowa  Valley,  returning  to 
Walla  Walla  for  the  winter.  Even  the  severity  of  winter 
did  not  appear  to  cool  the  hot  blood,  or  bad  blood,  of 
either  the  white  man  or  the  Indian,  for  on  New  Year's 
Day  1876  —  the  year  of  the  Centennial  —  two  troops  of 
the  First  Cavalry  under  my  command  had  to  forego 
their  New  Year  calls,  egg-nog  and  other  attractions,  and 
start  out  on  an  expedition  across  the  Blue  Mountains  to 
Grande  Ronde  Valley,  to  quell  an  anticipated  outbreak 
of  the  Indians  for  some  grievance  against  the  whites. 
The  temperature  was  twelve  degrees  below  zero  with 
from  two  to  four  feet  of  snow  on  the  ground. 

On  reaching  the  valley  we  found,  however,  that  there 
was  no  evidence  of  any  trouble  whatever  on  the  part 
of  the  Indians.  The  report  was  a  ruse  of  some  white  men 
in  Grande  Ronde  Valley  to  get  cavalry  into  the  valley, 
hoping,  thereby,  to  dispose  of  their  hay,  grain  and  pro 
visions  at  prices  at  inverse  ratio  to  the  mercury  in  the 
thermometer.  Imagine  their  chagrin  when  they  found 
that  the  Government  contractor  had  made  all  necessary 
arrangements  in  the  premises  before  we  reached  the 
valley ! 

It  would  seem  an  anomaly  to  the  military  mind  to 
read  the  regular  annual  Presidential  Message  to  Con 
gress  that  "  the  country  was  at  peace,"  etc.,  when  war 


92  Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

within  our  own  borders  was  never  ceasing;  that  for 
acrimony  and  deviltry  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  and 
of  hardships,  suffering  and  privations  on  the  part  of  the 
troops  engaged  in  it,  was  absolutely  unknown  in  a  war 
of  any  other  character. 

A  few  years  ago  not  a  month  passed  that  war  did  not 
exist  in  one  section  or  another  within  the  boundaries  of 
the  United  States;  if  not  in  Washington,  Oregon,  Ne 
vada,  or  California,  we  had  it  in  Montana  and  the 
Dakotas,  or  down  in  Arizona,  New  Mexico  or  Texas. 
So  far  as  the  cavalry  arm  of  the  service  was  concerned, 
cessation  from  hostilities  did  not  exist.  The  cavalry  was 
continually  on  the  alert,  the  ever  watchful  eyes  of  the 
army  were  either  in  the  saddle,  or  virtually  "standing 
to  horse."  And  they  are  doing  the  same  thing  in  the 
Philippines  to-day! 

General  Howard,  commanding  the  Department  of 
the  Columbia,  was  instructed  from  Washington  to  pro 
ceed  to  Fort  Lapwai,  Idaho,  and  hold  council  with 
Chief  Joseph  and  his  tribe  regarding  the  disputed  terri 
tory.  He  was  directed  to  formulate  a  plan  by  which  the 
non-treaty  Indians  should  come  on  the  Nez  Perce  Indian 
Reservation  at  Lapwai  or  Kamai. 

There  were  stationed  at  Fort  Lapwai  in  May,  1877, 
Troop  F,  First  United  ,  States  Cavalry,  and  a  small 
command  of  the  Twenty-first  United  States  Infantry, 
the  post  being  under  the  command  of  Col.  David  Per 
ry,  Captain  First  Cavalry.  General  Howard  ordered 
Troop  H,  First  Cavalry,  from  Walla  Walla  to  Lewis- 
ton,  Idaho,  a  small  town  at  the  junction  of  the  Snake 
and  Clearwater  Rivers.  This  troop  was  to  remain  in 
camp  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Snake  so  as  to  be  ready  to 
move  up  the  Snake  River  on  either  side,  or  to  move 
rapidly  into  the  Wallowa  Vali€y  and  reinforce  Troops 


The   Battle  of  White  Bird   Canon  93 


ii  i  MIII  nut  1 1  if  fir 

3DNVAQV    NVKJNI 


Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

E  and  L,  First  Cavalry,  should  occasion  require  it, 
as  it  was  well  known  that  the  Indians  were  ugly  and 
strongly  opposed  to  going  on  a  reservation,  or  surren 
dering  their  alleged  rights  to  the  Wallowa. 

The  Nez  Perce  Reservation  covers  an  immense  tract 
of  perhaps  the  most  fertile  soil  in  Idaho,  abundantly 
supplied  with  water  and  timber  land.  The  agency  is 
beautifully  situated  on  the  Clearwater,  about  three  miles 
from  the  military  post  of  Fort  Lapwai.  It  has  a  sub- 
agency  at  Kamai,  sixty  miles  higher  up  on  the  Clear- 
water.  It  is  there  that  the  celebrated  Lo-lo  Trail  across 
the  Bitter  Root  Mountains  in  Montana  commences. 

It  was  with  much  difficulty  that  the  Indians  could  be 
induced  to  come  in  and  hold  council,  several  preliminary 
"talks"  had  occurred  with  one  or  another  of  the  sub- 
chiefs.  On  the  1 5th  of  May,  the  grand  council  was 
held  in  a  large  tent  pitched  on  the  parade-ground  at 
Fort  Lapwai.  The  attitude  of  the  Indians  indicated  any 
thing  but  friendly  feelings;  they  wore  a  sullen,  dogged 
and  defiant  demeanor;  treachery  on  their  part  was  an 
ticipated  at  least,  and  although  the  stipulations  were 
that  each  party  should  appear  unarmed,  it  was  after 
ward  discovered  that  many  Indians  present  at  the 
council,  beside  many  on  the  outside,  were  armed  with 
revolvers,  rifles  and  knives  hid  away  under  their  blank 
ets.  To  provide  against  such  an  emergency,  the  General 
gave  orders  to  have  all  the  troops  remain  in  quarters 
and  "under  arms."  The  Indians  were  represented 
by  Chief  Joseph,  Ollicut,  his  younger  brother,  White 
Bird,  Looking  Glass,  Hush-hush-cute,  chief  of  the  Pal- 
ouse  Indians,  who  were  strong  allies,  through  inter 
marriage,  of  the  Nez  Perces;  and  a  goodly  sprinkle  of 
sub-chiefs,  warriors  and  squaws. 

The  council  lasted  from  about  ten  o'clock  in  the 


The  Battle  of  White   Bird   Canon   95 

morning  until  late  in  the  afternoon.  Many  times  during 
the  day  hot  and  defiant  words  fell  from  the  lips  of  the 
Indians,  more  particularly  from  those  of  White  Bird, 
who  was  the  worst  devil  of  the  lot.  I  use  the  phrase 
advisedly,  knowing  from  past  experience  the  horrible 
cruelties  practised  by  Indians  on  helpless  and  unprotect 
ed  white  women  and  children  on  our  frontier. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  council  the  excitement  grew 
intense.  Every  moment  General  Howard  and  the  officers 
present  anticipated  an  attack  by  the  Indians  whose 
every  motion  indicated  that  they  were  armed,  though  no 
weapons  were  shown.  So  arrogant  and  defiant  were 
they  that  few  white  men  could  have  restrained  them 
selves;  indeed,  at  one  time,  General  Howard  was  on  the 
point  of  committing  one  of  them  to  the  guard-house  in 
irons,  but  his  cooler  and  better  judgment  and  proverbial 
desire  for  peace  restrained  him,  and  the  storm  subsided 
for  the  time  being. 

The  most  trivial  spark  of  indiscretion  on  the  part  of 
any  officer  present  would  have  caused  the  massacre  of 
the  entire  party.  Let  the  so-called  Indian  philanthropist 
of  the  East,  the  admirers  of  the  Fenimore  Cooper  type 
of  the  noble  red-man,  cavil  as  they  may  about  army 
officers  and  the  regular  army,  generally,  on  that  question. 
There  never  have  been  any  better  friends  of  the  Indian 
than  the  officers  and  enlisted  men  of  our  little  reg 
ular  army.  When  they  go  out  on  a  campaign,  they  go  in 
obedience  of  orders.  They  go  for  business  strictly,  and 
not  for  a  picnic.  They  go  to  protect  the  lives  and  prop 
erty  of  our  sturdy  pioneers  on  our  frontier  against  the 
most  bloodthirsty  and  relentless  foe  of  our  race,  and 
then,  when  success  and  victory  crown  their  efforts,  they 
in  turn  feed,  clothe  and  protect  the  people  they  have 
subdued. 


96  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

Chief  Joseph  and  Looking  Glass  favored  the  prop 
osition  of  going  on  the  reservation.  White  Bird  and 
Ollicut  opposed  it,  bat  the  decision  of  the  council  was 
that  Chief  Joseph's  band  of  non-treaty  Indians,  which 
included  all  of  the  smaller  bands,  was  to  go  on  the  res 
ervation.  Thirty  days  were  allowed  for  this  purpose. 
The  I4th  of  June  was  to  see  the  entire  band  on  the  Nez 
Perce  Reservation  among  their  own  people.  To  this  the 
Indians  agreed. 

During  the  conference  Chief  Joseph's  brother,  Olli 
cut,  sometimes  called  Young  Joseph,  exhibited  a  map  of 
the  disputed  territory  of  the  Wallowa  which  was,  to  say 
the  least,  unique.  It  was  a  novel  specimen  of  draughts 
manship,  if  I  remember  correctly.  It  was  on  a  peculiar 
piece  of  paper  or  parchment  of  a  muddy  yellow  tinge, 
about  sixteen  or  eighteen  inches  square,  the  ink  being 
of  a  pale  green  color;  the  geography  was  delineated  by 
natural  history;  for  instance,  the  Wallowa  Lake  was 
represented  by  a  single  ink  line  showing  the  boundary 
line,  and  a  crude  drawing  of  a  fish  in  the  center;  the 
mountains  were  represented  by  the  figures  of  deer;  the 
Wallowa  River  by  a  zigzag  line,  with  trees  here  and 
there  along  its  length.  The  wagon-road  was  probably 
the  most  peculiar  and  interesting  part  of  it,  a  double 
column  of  very  small  circles  running  the  entire  length 
of  the  valley  was  the  impression  we  received  at  first 
glance,  the  circles  not  larger  than  a  pin's  head;  but  upon 
closer  inspection  the  circles  were  found  to  be  incom 
plete;  they  were  minute  representations  of  horse-shoes, 
indicating  the  impress  of  the  shoe  upon  the  soft  earth. 

A  tragedy  that  occurred  a  short  time  before,  in  which 
an  Indian  was  killed  by  a  white  man,  occasioned  by  a 
dispute  about  the  removal  of  a  rail  fence  to  allow  horses 
to  pass  through,  was  shown  on  the  map  as  near  the 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon  97 

vicinity  as  guesswork  could  make  it,  by  figures  repre 
senting  a  white  man  and  two  or  three  Indians  struggling 
for  the  possession  of  a  gun.  The  figures  of  men  and  ani 
mals  were  a  good  deal  after  the  Egyptian  types,  straight 
lines  and  angles. 

An  effort  was  made  by  General  Howard  and  Lieuten 
ant  Fletcher  of  the  Twenty-first  Infantry  to  make  an 
exact  copy  of  the  map,  but  under  no  consideration 
would  the  Indians  allow  them  to  retain  it  long  enough 
for  that  purpose. 

General  Howard  returned  to  Portland  next  day  to 
await  the  termination  of  the  allotted  month,  and  the 
Indians  returned  to  their  camp  on  the  Salmon  River. 
As  the  1 4th  of  June  drew  near,  speculation  was  rife  as 
to  the  probabilities  of  the  Indians  abiding  by  the  de 
cision  of  the  council,  or  otherwise.  Nothing  had  been 
heard  from  them,  nor  had  any  of  them  as  yet  "come  in." 

The  morning  of  the  I4th  of  June  arrived  and  with  it 
brought  General  Howard  from  Department  Head 
quarters.  The  day  wore  along,  clear,  warm  and  peace 
ful;  troops  were  to  return  to  their  stations  if  all  went 
well.  But  all  did  not  go  well,  for  about  six  o'clock  P.M. 
a  messenger  arrived  from  Mount  Idaho  with  a  letter 
to  the  General  stating  that  Joseph's  band  was  giving 
the  settlers  much  trouble  and  annoyance,  causing  fears 
of  an  outbreak.  Early  next  morning  four  cavalrymen 
and  the  interpreter  from  the  agency  started  for  Mount 
Idaho  to  learn  particulars. 

Much  uneasiness  was  manifest  throughout  the  little 
garrison.  We  knew  that  the  Indians  should  now  be 
within  the  boundary  of  the  reservation,  and  they  were 
not.  We  were  satisfied  in  our  own  minds  that  they  did 
not  intend  to  obey  the  mandate  of  the  council  and  from 
their  demeanor,  during  the  deliberations  of  that  body, 


98  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

we  could  see  no  other  prospect  than  war.  The  Nez 
Perces  were  a  brave  and  warlike  type  of  the  Indian, 
tall,  strong  and  well  formed,  armed  with  weapons 
equal,  if  not  superior,  to  our  own,  for  theirs  were  Win 
chesters,  sixteen  shooters;  ours  were  the  Springfield, 
single-shot,  breech-loading  carbines.  They  had  a  large 
herd  of  good,  strong  ponies,  giving  them  almost  un 
limited  relays  for  their  remounts,  either  for  pursuit  or 
retreat.  We,  therefore,  made  our  preparations  for  busi 
ness  on  the  return  of  the  messengers. 

Scarcely  three  hours  had  elapsed  ere  the  party  came 
galloping  into  camp  very  much  excited.  They  had  been 
fired  upon  and  driven  back  by  a  squad  of  Indians  con 
cealed  in  the  timber,  who  were  watching  the  road  to 
Mount  Idaho,  about  ten  miles  from  Fort  Lapwai.  Our 
dream  of  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  question  was  now 
at  an  end.  Hostilities  had  commenced,  and  another  pro 
tracted  and  bloody  Indian  war  was  confronting  us. 

The  Indians  had  failed  to  comply  with  the  terms 
agreed  upon  in  the  council.  The  young  bloods  had  defied 
the  counsel  and  advice  of  the  older  and  wiser  heads  of 
their  tribe,  and  demanded  approval  from  their  people 
for  the  cold-blooded  murder  of  innocent  and  unsus 
pecting  white  settlers  along  the  Salmon  River. 

On  the  I4th  of  June,  the  day  they  should  have  been 
on  the  reservation,  under  treaty  stipulations,  three  of 
their  young  men  went  to  a  store  and  post-office  some 
six  miles  above  Slate  Creek  on  the  Salmon  River,  kept 
by  a  Mr.  Elfers,  whom  they  shot  and  killed  while  he  was 
plowing.  His  unfortunate  wife  witnessed  the  murder  of 
her  husband  and  then  fled  from  the  house  and  sought 
shelter  in  the  thick  underbrush  along  the  creek. 

The  Indians  thoroughly  ransacked  the  house,  pro 
cured  one  or  two  rifles  and  shot-guns,  a  quantity  of 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon  99 

ammunition  and  a  large  supply  of  provisions.  A  party, 
fleeing  from  Cottonwood  to  Mount  Idaho,  eighteen 
miles  distant,  was  also  attacked;  one  man  was  killed, 
one  wounded  and  one  woman  badly  wounded.  A  settler 
at  the  mouth  of  White  Bird  Creek  on  the  Salmon  River 
was  also  killed,  his  wife  made  prisoner  and  his  house 
burned.  These  were  the  acts  which  demanded  recogni 
tion  and  approval  at  the  hands  of  the  tribe,  or  at  least 
the  condonation  of  them.  We  learned  afterward  that  a 
grand  council  was  held  by  the  leading  men  of  the  tribe, 
and  after  a  long  debate  it  was  determined  to  give  their 
support  to  the  murderers  and  defy  the  United  States  au 
thorities.  In  other  words,  they  determined  to  get  to  war 
rather  than  surrender  the  offenders  against  law,  or  go 
on  the  reservation. 

Troops  F  and  H,  First  Cavalry,  therefore  left  Fort 
Lapwai  for  Mount  Idaho  at  eight  o'clock  on  the  evening 
of  June  1 5th.  The  command  mustered  about  eighty  men. 
Capt.  and  Brev.  Col.  David  Perry  was  in  command. 
After  marching  until  about  one  o'clock  A.M.,  on  the 
1 6th,  skirmishers  and  flankers  were  thrown  out.  We 
were  in  the  mountains;  heavy  timber,  deep  ravines,  and 
a  wild,  broken  country  confronted  us.  The  night  was 
dark  and  at  any  moment  we  might  be  saluted  with  a 
volley  from  the  usually  unerring  rifles  of  the  Indians, 
but  the  men  were  vigilant  and  careful  and  we  reached 
Cottonwood  Ranch  unmolested.  We  knew  that  Indian 
scouts  were  watching  our  every  move,  as  we  proceeded 
on  our  march,  but  they  carefully  avoided  being  seen  by  us 
by  taking  to  the  high  ridges  or  hiding  in  the  thick  under 
brush  in  the  ravines  and  canons  along  the  line  of  march. 

We  halted  at  Cottonwood  long  enough  to  cook  coffee 
and  unsaddle  our  animals  for  a  roll  and  an  hour's  graz 
ing  and  then  proceeded  across  Camas  Prairie  to  Mount 


ioo  Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Idaho,  which  we  reached  in  the  afternoon.  We  found 
the  citizens  armed  and  very  much  excited.  In  the  course 
of  the  evening  a  delegation  from  the  small  town  waited 
on  Colonel  Perry,  urging  him  to  move  down  to  the  Salm 
on  River  where  the  Indians  were  camped,  and  attack 
and  punish  them  for  the  murders  committed  by  them. 
Perry  called  the  officers  of  the  command  together  and 
after  a  prolonged  conversation  with  the  citizens,  who 
professed  to  know  the  situation  and  strength  of  the  In 
dians,  claiming  an  easy  victory,  it  was  decided  to  make 
the  attempt.  The  citizens  were  deceived  in  their  supposed 
knowledge  of  Indian  affairs  as  events  subsequently 
proved. 

We  fed  our  men  and  horses  and  started  at  ten  o'clock 
P.M.  for  the  Salmon  River,  distant  about  twenty  miles. 
We  were  now  two  days  and  on  our  second  night  without 
rest  or  sleep,  but  fully  awake  and  alive  to  the  possibilities 
of  the  serious  business  before  us.  Half  a  dozen  citizens 
accompanied  us  to  act  as  guides  and  assist  in  the  pro 
spective  fight  and  defeat  of  the  Indians;  their  leader 
being  George  Shearer,  an  ex-Confederate  Major,  a  brave 
man  and  a  genial  good  fellow. 

We  plodded  along  in  the  dark  until  about  one  o'clock 
in  the  morning  when  we  reached  the  head  of  White 
Bird  Canon,  where  we  made  a  halt  until  dawn.  Colonel 
Perry  ordered  perfect  quiet  and  under  the  circumstances 
no  light  of  any  kind  was  to  be  made,  yet  one  man  of  his. 
own  troop  lighted  a  match  to  light  his  pipe;  two  hours 
later  that  man  paid  the  penalty  of  his  disobedience  with 
his  life.  Almost  immediately  the  cry  of  a  coyote  was 
heard  in  the  hills  above  us,  a  long,  howling  cry,  winding 
up,  however,  in  a  very  peculiar  way  not  characteristic 
of  the  coyote.  Little  heed  was  paid  to  it  at  the  time,  yet 
it  was  a  fatal  cry  to  the  command.  It  was  made  by  an 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    101 

Indian  picket  on  the  watch  for  the  soldiers  who  they 
knew  were  already  on  the  march.  Probably  he  had  seen 
the  light.  The  signal  was  carried  by  others  to  the  camp, 
so  that  they  were  thoroughly  prepared  for  our  coming. 

As  dawn  approached  we  continued  our  march  down 
the  ravine  into  White  Bird  Canon.  A  trail  led  us  down 
a  narrow  defile,  now  and  again  crossing  a  dry  creek  bed 
with  here  and  there  a  heavy  growth  of  willows  and  under 
brush.  At  one  time  we  would  be  skirting  along  the  steep 
hillside,  at  another  following  the  creek  bed.  High  bluffs 
and  mountains  lined  each  side  of  the  canon  while  the 
trail  led  over  rolling  country,  up  and  down  little  knolls 
but  still  descending. 

About  three  o'clock  that  fatal  morning,  as  we  passed 
in  single  file  along  the  side  of  the  hill,  a  sad  and  pitiable 
sight  presented  itself  to  us.  We  discovered  an  unfortunate 
woman,  whose  husband  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
concealed  in  the  gulch  below  us  with  a  little  four  year 
old  girl  in  her  arms.  The  child's  head  was  broken,  yet 
bearing  it  with  fortitude  the  poor  mother  and  child, 
shivering  with  cold,  were  thanking  God  for  their  deliver 
ance.  They  had  been  hiding  in  the  brush  from  the  In 
dians  since  the  i^th  and  it  was  now  the  morning  of  the 
I yth  of  June.  I  have  never  seen  a  sight  that  called  for 
sympathy,  compassion,  and  action  like  it.  It  was  a  ter 
rible  illustration  of  Indian  deviltry  and  Indian  warfare. 
The  contents  of  the  haversacks  were  freely  given  to  the 
unfortunates  and  we  passed  into  the  woods  before  us. 

In  a  short  time  we  found  the  canon  widening  out  as 
we  descended,  the  bluffs  on  either  side  appeared  to  grow 
higher  and  higher;  bearing  around  to  the  east  as  we 
entered  a  valley  four  or  five  hundred  yards  wide.  We 
had  advanced  about  a  hundred  yards  when  I  noticed 
Perry's  Troop  moving  into  line  at  a  trot.  It  was  now 


IO2    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

fairly  daylight,  the  Indians  were  seen  advancing  and 
firing  commenced  at  once.  Troop  H  moved  up  and 
formed  line  on  the  right  of  Perry.  The  citizens  were  on 
the  extreme  left  and  in  good  position  in  a  rocky  knoll 
which  virtually  commanded  all  approaches  from  the 
left.  The  ground  to  the  right  of  the  line  was  a  steady 
rise  at  an  angle  of  about  twenty  degrees  for  a  distance 
of  perhaps  two  hundred  yards,  then  quite  a  steep  ascent 
for  some  distance  to  the  plateau  above.  The  ground  to 
the  left  of  Troop  H,  occupied  by  F,  gradually  swayed 
downward  and  then  upward  to  the  position  held  by  the 
citizens. 

It  was  bad  judgment  and  certainly  not  tactical  to  put 
the  entire  command  on  the  line,  leaving  no  reserves 
whatever  in  either  troop,  and,  to  increase  the  danger  of 
such  a  fatal  error,  the  men  were  in  the  saddle  in  an  ex 
posed  position,  while  the  Indians  were  on  foot,  taking 
cover  in  the  grass  and  behind  rocks.  Very  soon  the  men 
dismounted  of  their  own  account.  Some  were  shot  off 
their  horses,  and  as  the  firing  became  hotter  many  loose 
horses  were  soon  galloping  away  in  the  rear  of  the  line. 

About  half  an  hour  had  elapsed  and  several  men  had 
either  been  killed  or  wounded  when  Perry's  men  began 
moving  by  the  right  flank  to  the  higher  ground  on  our 
right.  An  attack  had  been  made  on  the  position  held  by 
the  citizens,  two  of  whom  were  wounded  and  the  rest 
driven  from  their  stand.  This  left  it  an  easy  matter  for 
the  Indians  to  pass  around  Perry's  left  under  cover  of 
the  knoll  and  get  a  position  on  his  right.  In  the  meantime, 
the  Indians  had  driven  a  large  herd  of  loose  ponies 
through  our  line,  and  scattered  in  among  the  ponies  were 
some  sixty  or  seventy  warriors  who  immediately  attacked 
us  in  the  rear,  demoralizing  the  troop,  many  of  whom 
were  recruits,  but  a  short  time  out  from  Eastern  rendez- 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    103 


104    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

vous,  so  that  it  became  utterly  impossible  to  control 
them. 

As  Perry  passed  in  to  the  right  I  supposed  he  would 
halt  the  line  when  in  position  on  the  right  of  Troop  H, 
but  not  so.  He  kept  on  gaining  ground  to  the  right  and 
rear  until  I  saw  him  finally  ascend  the  steep  rise  to  the 
bluffs  above  and  disappear  from  sight.  He  afterward 
explained  this  officially  by  the  statement  "that  the  men 
were  beyond  control." 

I  now  found  my  position  one  of  extreme  danger.  The 
other  two  officers  of  the  command  had  followed  the 
movement  of  Perry's  troop  to  the  elevated  plateau  on 
our  right.  Lieutenant  Theller  and  eighteen  men  were 
killed  by  an  overwhelming  body  of  Indians  before  they 
could  reach  Perry's  men.  The  quantity  of  empty  shells 
found  where  their  bodies  lay  indicated  that  they  fought 
to  the  bitter  end. 

With  what  men  I  could  collect  together  I  now  com 
menced  falling  back,  fighting,  by  the  way  we  came;  that 
is,  up  the  White  Bird  Canon.  I  saw  that  it  would  be 
suicidal  to  attempt  to  reach  the  bluffs  on  our  right,  so 
we  slowly  retreated  up  the  ravine,  holding  the  Indians 
in  check  from  knoll  to  knoll.  I  saw  that  halt  must  be 
made  pretty  soon  to  tighten  up  6ur  saddle-girths,  so, 

fosting  a  few  men  in  a  little  rise  in  front  to  hold  the 
ndians,  I  dismounted  and  readjusted  my  saddle,  direct 
ing  the  men  to  do  the  same.  We  then  took  position  on 
the  right  knoll  and  from  knoll  to  knoll  we  fell  back, 
waiting  at  every  halt  until  the  Indians  came  near  enough 
to  receive  the  contents  of  our  carbines.  They  were  swarm 
ing  in  front  of  us  and  on  the  hillsides  on  both  flanks,  but 
the  few  brave  fellows  with  me  obeyed  every  command 
with  alacrity.  I  think  there  were  thirteen  or  fourteen 
men  altogether. 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    105 

The  Indians  dared  not  approach  too  closely,  yet  at 
one  time  they  were  near  enough  for  my  last  pistol  cart 
ridge  to  hit  one  of  them  in  the  thigh.  We  had  several 
miles  of  this  kind  of  work  up  through  the  canon,  but  the 
men  were  now  cool  and  determined  and  fully  alive  to 
the  perilous  situation  we  were  in.  When  we  reached  the 
head  of  the  canon,  we  were  rejoiced  to  find  Perry's  men, 
who  had  been  falling  back  in  a  line  nearly  parallel  with 
us,  on  the  mesa  above.  He  had  eighteen  or  twenty  men 
with  him.  I  had  not  seen  him  since  he  reached  the  bluffs 
two  hours  before,  and  neither  of  us  knew  anything  about 
the  whereabouts  or  fate  of  the  other.  Our  meeting  no 
doubt  saved  the  massacre  of  either  or  both  parties,  for 
we  had  yet  about  eighteen  miles  to  fight  our  way  back 
ere  we  could  hope  for  succor. 

Immediately  in  our  rear  was  a  deep  ravine  to  be 
crossed.  Perry  requested  me  to  hold  the  ridge  we  were  on 
while  he  crossed  and  he  would  then  cover  my  passage 
from  a  commanding  position  on  the  other  side.  I  watched 
his  crossing  so  as  to  be  ready  to  move  when  he  had  his 
men  in  position,  but  again  they  failed  him.  They  had  not 
yet  recovered  from  their  unfortunate  stampeded  con 
dition.  I  crossed  the  ravine  at  a  gallop  and  halted  on  the 
other  side  to  welcome  the  Indians,  who  appeared  to 
swarm  on  every  hill.  They  halted  abruptly  on  receiving 
a  salute  from  our  carbines. 

We  then  moved  quietly  down  to  an  abandoned  ranch, 
a  mile  to  the  rear,  where  Perry  had  his  men  dismounted 
in  what  appeared  to  be  a  good  position  in  the  rock.  I 
dismounted  our  men,  tied  our  horses  to  a  rail  fence  and 
took  position  in  the  rocks;  the  house  and  barn  were  to 
our  left  a  short  distance,  and  a  small  creek  between  us 
and  the  house.  Presently,  shots  came  flying  over  our 
heads  from  the  front  and  right  flank.  The  Indians  had 


io6   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

taken  stand  in  a  clump  of  rocks  in  our  front  and  flank  on 
higher  ground,  and  therefore  commanded  our  position. 
At  the  same  time  I  noticed  some  of  them  coming  down 
on  our  left,  under  cover  of  a  fence  that  ran  from  the 
house  up  the  hill  perpendicular  to  our  front.  I  men 
tioned  this  to  Perry.  Our  ammunition  was  getting  very 
short,  as  we  had  but  forty  rounds  per  man  when  we 
started. 

After  a  brief  consultation  under  a  hot  fire  we  deter 
mined  to  abandon  our  positions  and  continue  a  re 
treating  fight  back  to  Mount  Idaho.  When  we  first 
reached  the  ranch,  Perry  suggested  that  we  should  hold 
the  position  until  dark  and  then  fall  back,  as  it  was  then 
seven  o'clock,  and  it  would  soon  be  dark.  I  could  not 
understand  his  remark  and  looked  at  him  in  astonish 
ment.  I  said: 

"Do  you  know  that  it  is  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning 
—  not  evening  —  that  we  have  been  fighting  nearly 
four  hours  and  have  but  a  few  rounds  per  man  left  ?" 

I  thought  he  was  what  is  commonly  called  confused. 
He  requested  me  to  hold  the  position  while  he  mounted 
his  men,  and  he  would  then  hold  it  until  I  had  my  men 
in  the  saddle. 

He  moved  down  and  mounted.  I  then  ordered  my 
small  detachment  down,  waiting  until  every  man  was 
away.  I  followed  and  to  my  consternation  found  the 
command  gone  and  my  horse  with  it.  I  hallooed  out  to 
the  command  now  more  than  a  hundred  yards  distant, 
but,  evidently,  nobody  heard  me  as  they  continued  to 
move  on. 

The  Indians  were  now  gaining  on  me  and  shots  kept 
whizzing  past  me  from  every  direction  in  rear.  I  looked 
around  for  a  hiding-place,  but  nothing  presented  itself 
that  would  secure  me  from  observation,  I  fully  made  up 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    107 

my  mind  that  I  would  not  be  taken  prisoner,  and  deter 
mined  to  use  my  hunting-knife  or  a  small  derringer 
pistol  I  always  carried  in  my  vest-pocket.  These  thoughts 
and  final  determination  flashed  through  my  mind  in  a 
few  seconds,  as  I  kept  moving  on  trying  to  overhaul  the 
command. 

Finally,  some  of  my  own  men  missed  me,  and  looking 
back,  saw  me  and  reported  to  Colonel  Perry.  The 
troops  were  halted,  my  horse  caught  and  led  back  to  me. 
A  few  minutes  after  Perry  halted  the  men  and  requested 
me  to  reorganize  the  command.  I  did  so  quickly  for 
there  was  little  to  organize,  and  requesting  Perry  to 
support  me  at  a  distance  not  greater  than  one  hundred 
yards,  I  stated  that  I  would  take  charge  of  the  skir 
mish-line.  The  line  was  deployed  at  unusually  great  in 
tervals,  so  as  to  cover  as  much  front  as  possible  and 
then,  after  a  few  words  of  caution  and  instruction,  we 
waited  the  coming  of  the  Indians,  who  at  a  distance  had 
been  closely  watching  us. 

We  did  not  have  a  long  time  to  wait,  for  they  came 
upon  us  with  a  yell.  Not  a  shot  was  fired  until  the  red 
devils  rode  up  to  within  seventy-five  or  a  hundred  yards 
of  us  when  I  gave  the  order  to  "commence  firing." 
Several  redskins  and  half  a  dozen  horses  went  down 
from  our  fire.  We  then  moved  "to  the  rear"  at  a  walk, 
and  again  halted,  the  Indians  waiting  for  us,  but  once 
more  our  fire  sent  some  to  grass  and  we  quietly  fell  back 
eighty  or  ninety  yards  more.  Thus  we  continued  re 
treating  for  several  miles.  Chief  White  Bird  with  about 
seventy  warriors  made  several  attempts  to  drive  us  off 
to  the  right  into  Rocky  Canon,  which,  had  they  succeed 
ed  in  doing,  would  have  sounded  our  death  knell,  but 
Perry  moved  his  men  so  as  to  prevent  it  and  gave  them 
a  few  well-directed  volleys  which  drove  them  back. 


io8    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

In  passing  over  a  marsh  my  attention  was  called  to  a 
man  struggling  through  the  swampy  ground  and  long 
grass  about  half-way  between  us  and  the  Indians.  We 
could  just  see  his  head  above  the  grass.  A  few  minutes 
more  and  the  Indians  would  have  his  scalp.  I  advanced 
the  line  firing,  driving  the  Indians  back,  and  rescued  a 
man  of  H  Troop  whose  horse  had  been  shot.  The  poor 
fellow  was  almost  played  out,  he  was  taken  up  behind 
another  man  and  we  continued  our  retreat. 

When  we  got  to  within  a  few  miles  of  Mount  Idaho, 
a  party  of  citizens  came  out  to  our  assistance.  While  we 
fully  appreciated  their  action,  it  was  too  late  for  them 
to  be  of  any  service  as  the  Indians  disappeared  as  they 
came  into  view.  Men  and  horses  were  now  completely 
exhausted.  We  had  been  on  the  move  ever  since  Friday 
without  rest  or  sleep,  and  under  too  much  excitement 
to  hope  for  sleep  now  that  we  had  reached  comparative 
safety. 

Late  in  the  fall  of  1877  I  was  shown  a  copy  of  the 
New  York  Herald  containing  an  account  of  the  Nez 
Perce  Indian  War  from  "White  Bird"  fight  to  its  ter 
mination  in  Montana  in  November,  and  this  is  what  is 
stated  of  the  White  Bird  affair: 

The  hostiles  commenced  operations  by  murdering  all  the  white 
settlers  they  could  find,  of  whom  there  were  many;  burning  their 
houses,  driving  off  their  stock,  and  taking  all  the  valuables  they 
wanted.  .  .  .  The  terrible  massacre  of  thirty-three  of  these 
soldiers,  under  command  of  Captain  Perry,  on  June  i/th,  first  attracts 
our  attention.  .  .  .  Captain  Perry  attacked  the  Indians  in  White 
Bird  Canon,  situated  on  a  creek  of  the  same  name  at  a  point  about 
three  miles  from  where  the  stream  empties  into  the  Salmon  River. 
This  canon  is  very  deep  and  extensive,  and  the  trail  leading  down  to 
it  is  very  steep,  and  in  places  extremely  narrow,  necessitating  for 
part  of  the  way  a  march  by  'file."  It  is  seven  miles  from  the  point 
of  descent  to  the  creek,  the  first  three  miles  being  almost  perpendic- 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    109 

ular.  The  canon  gradually  widens  as  you  approach  the  creek, 
sloping  down  to  the  water's  edge.  The  width  of  the  canon  contig 
uous  to  the  stream  is  about  five  miles.  It  here  presents  the  appear 
ance  of  a  rolling  prairie,  being  dotted  here  and  there  with  wave-like 
swells. 

The  correspondent  is  somewhat  in  error  about  the 
width  of  the  canon,  as  in  no  place  is  it  anywhere  near 
half  that  distance.  There  are  also  some  slight  discre 
pancies  in  his  account  of  the  order  given  and  the  conduct 
of  the  engagement.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  the  source 
of  his  information.  We  had  no  correspondent  with  us, 
nor  was  there  one  with  any  of  the  troops  who  subse 
quently  passed  through  the  canon.  Further,  he  says: 

Captain  Perry  led  his  command  down  the  narrow  trail  at  daylight 
in  the  morning  of  June  iyth  after  marching  all  night,  with  men  and 
horses  hungry  and  weary.  The  Indians  permitted  him  to  advance  to 
within  seventy-five  yards  without  resistance,  or  even  showing  them 
selves  to  the  troops.  When  the  redskins  were  visible,  the  command 
was  given,  "Left  front  into  line;  forward,  charge!" 

The  correspondent  then  goes  on  to  explain  the  action, 
in  which  are  many  errors,  so  that  I  am  satisfied  the 
author  could  not  have  been  one  familiar  with  military 
affairs.  He,  however,  says  truly  that  Captain  Perry  did 
attempt  to  rally  his  men,  but  he  could  not  get  one- 
twentieth  of  them  together,  scattered  as  they  were, 
especially  as  he  could  not  find  either  of  his  trumpeters. 
One  was  killed  and  the  other  was  demoralized  and  had 
got  out  of  range  of  the  Indian  rifles  as  soon  as  the  re 
treat  commenced.  He  says  again: 

However,  with  the  few  men  under  his  immediate  eye,  he  occupied 
a  semicircle  of  knolls,  with  himself  and  a  few  citizens  inside  the  curve 
thus  defended,  until  an  opportunity  occurred  to  retreat  still  farther  in 
a  similar  manner,  and  his  party  reached  the  top  of  the  canon,  where 
all  who  had  horses  ran  as  if  for  their  lives. 


no    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Captain  Perry  did  not  retreat  up  the  canon,  he  did 
just  what  I  have  stated:  /.  e.,  he  ascended  to  the  plateau 
above  the  canon  near  where  the  fight  commenced  and 
retreated  along  that  until  our  parties  united  at  the  head 
of  the  canon,  mine  out  of  it,  and  his  on  the  right  above 
us.  Neither  did  all  those  who  had  horses  run  as  if  for 
their  lives.  That  some  did,  I  know. 

He,  the  so-called  correspondent,  speaks  in  generous 
and  flattering  terms  of  my  humble,  but  happily  success 
ful  attempts  to  hold  the  Indians  in  check  with  the  few 
gallant  fellows  who  fought  up  the  canon.  He  says: 

There  is  no  doubt  but  the  Indians  would  have  pursued  and  mas 
sacred  every  one  of  the  command  had  it  not  been  for  the  bravery  and 
determined  pluck  of  Lieutenant  Parnell  of  the  First  Cavalry.  This 
officer,  gathering  a  few  men  around  him,  occupied  knolls  here  and 
there  after  gaining  the  high  ground,  and  so  vigorous  and  effective  was 
the  fire  poured  into  the  victorious  Indians  that  they  —  the  Indians  — 
did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  come  within  range,  but  instead  circled  to 
the  right  and  left  when  Lieutenant  Parnell  would  so  change  his  position 
as  to  again  check  them. 

It  might  seem  a  pity  to  spoil  a  good  story,  especially 
where  one  is  so  particularly  interested  as  the  Herald 
correspondent  indicates,  but  he  is  in  error  when  he 
says  that  "they  —  the  Indians  —  did  not  deem  it 
prudent  to  come  within  range."  The  jubilant  devils 
did  come  within  range,  and  pretty  close  range,  too,  on 
more  occasions  than  one,  but  the  men  were  now  steady 
and  gave  them  a  withering  fire  every  time. 

White  Bird  Canon  was  a  terrible  defeat  to  the  troops 
engaged  in  it.  It  put  the  Indians  in  "high  feather."  It 
largely  increased  their  warriors  from  among  those  on 
the  reservation  as  well  as  from  the  small  tribes  along  the 
Palouse,  Snake,  and  Spokane  Rivers,  resulting,  as  it  did, 
in  the  massacre  of  the  brave  young  Lieutenant  Rains, 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    in 

First  Cavalry,  and  his  party  of  ten  men  at  Cottonwood ; 
the  battle  of  Clearwater,  July  nth  and  i2th,  when  we 
had  abundance  of  hard  fighting  with  more  than  four 
hundred  troops  engaged,  in  contrast  to  the  numerical 
strength  of  our  little  squad  at  White  Bird. 


CHAPTER  FIVE 

The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon, 
Continued 

By  Brig.-Gen.  David  Perry,  United  States  Army  (Retired) 

WHEN  the  first  alarming  news  came  into  Fort 
Lapwai,  where  General  Howard,  the  De 
partment  Commander,  then  was,  viz:  the 
morning  of  the  I5th,  I  got  my  little  com 
mand  ready  to  move,  and  the  quartermaster  was  de 
spatched  to  Lewiston,  distant  twelve  miles,  to  procure 
pack  animals  while  I  waited  for  some  confirmation  of 
the  disturbing  rumor.  This  reached  us  late  in  the  after 
noon  in  the  shape  of  a  letter  from  one  L.  P.  Brown  of 
Mount  Idaho,  stating  that  the  Indians  were  murdering 
settlers  on  Salmon  River  ranches. 

The  quartermaster  not  having  returned  at  retreat,  I 
proposed  to  General  Howard  that  I  move  at  once  to  the 
relief  of  Mount  Idaho,  carrying  three  days'  rations  in 
my  saddle-bags.  The  General  sanctioned  my  doing  so 
and  at  eight  o'clock  P.M.,  on  June  1 5th,  I  left  Fort  Lapwai 
with  my  command,  consisting  of  my  own  Troop  F, 
First  Cavalry,  Lieutenant  Theller  attached,  Lieutenant 
Parnell  and  forty-one  men.  My  troop  was  fifty  strong. 
Five  packs  with  five  days'  rations  in  addition  to  the  three 
days'  cooked  rations  carried  in  saddle-bags  accompanied 

112, 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    113 

us.  We  reached  Cottonwood,  forty  miles  distant,  at  nine 
A.M.  on  the  1 6th. 

I  lost  much  time  waiting  for  the  pack-mules  to  come 
up,  as  the  road  was  very  muddy  in  places.  Rested  the 
command  here  three  hours.  From  the  high  ground  we  saw 
three  large  smokes,  which  proved  to  be  the  remains  of 
straw  stacks  set  on  fire  by  the  Indians,  probably  as  signals 
of  our  coming.  From  Cottonwood  to  Mount  Idaho  the 
road  passes  over  a  rolling  prairie  for  a  distance  of  eigh 
teen  miles.  We  reached  Grangeville  about  two  and  one- 
half  miles  short  of  Mount  Idaho  at  six  P.M. 

Within  three  miles  of  Grangeville  we  met  a  party  of 
armed  citizens  who  informed  me  that  the  Indians  had 
crossed  the  prairie  at  about  eleven  A.M.,  that  day,  travel 
ing  in  the  direction  of  White  Bird  crossing  of  the  Salmon 
River.  They  also  insisted  that  unless  they  were  pursued 
and  attacked  early  the  following  morning  they  would 
have  everything  over  the  river  and  be  comparatively  safe 
from  immediate  pursuit,  with  the  buffalo  trail  via  the 
Little  Salmon  open  to  them,  thus  escaping  without  pun 
ishment.  While  realizing  that  men  and  animals  should 
have  a  night's  rest,  I  also  understood  that  if  I  allowed 
these  Indians  to  escape  across  the  river  with  all  their 
plunder,  and  in  the  face  of  the  representations  made  to 
me,  without  any  effort  on  my  part  to  prevent  it,  I  should 
not  only  be  justly  open  to  censure,  but  bring  discredit 
upon  the  army.  So  I  told  them  I  would  give  a  definite 
decision  after  reaching  Grangeville. 

Upon  my  arrival  there  I  laid  the  matter  before  my 
officers  and,  after  considering  all  the  circumstances,  it 
was  decided  that  to  make  the  attempt  to  overtake  the 
Indians  before  they  could  effect  a  crossing  of  the  Salm 
on  River  was  not  only  the  best,  but  the  only  thing  to  do. 
It  was  also  suggested  that  the  Indians  would  most  likely 


ii4    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

begin  crossing  at  once  and  I  would  thus  strike  them 
while  divided.  I  informed  the  citizens  of  the  decision, 
and  that  I  would  be  ready  to  start  as  soon  as  the  horses 
had  been  fed  and  the  men  had  cooked  their  coffee.  At 
the  same  time  I  requested  them  to  provide  a  guide  and 
bring  as  many  volunteers  as  they  could  muster,  which 
they  estimated  at  twenty-five  to  thirty,  but  only  eight 
came  back. 

About  nine  o'clock  that  night  I  started  for  White 
Bird  crossing  of  Salmon  River.  We  reached  the  summit 
of  the  dividing  ridge  between  the  prairie  and  the  river  at 
midnight  and  halted  there  waiting  for  daylight.  At  dawn 
I  started  again,  following  the  road  which  I  saw  led  down 
a  narrow  gorge,  but  upon  commenting  upon  this,  I  was 
assured  by  the  guide  that  it  opened  out  into  a  compara 
tively  smooth  valley.  This  proved  to  be  a  mistake  or 
misstatement  as  it  was  very  rough  and  broken  all  the 
way.  I  detailed  Lieutenant  Theller  and  eight  men  from 
my  troop  as  an  advance-guard,  with  instructions  that  if 
he  saw  any  Indians  to  deploy,  halt,  and  send  me  word. 
I  also  directed  the  command  to  load. 

About  four  miles,  as  nearly  as  I  can  judge,  from  the 
summit  where  we  had  halted  lay  a  point  where  two  high 
ridges  ran  diagonally  across  the  low  ground  we  were 
traversing.  This  was  flanked  on  the  left  by  two  round 
knolls  of  considerable  height,  and  on  the  right  by  a  high 
ridge  running  parallel  with  our  road.  Between  this  last 
ridge,  however,  and  the  two  referred  to  lay  a  long,  deep 
valley  of  considerable  width,  and  beyond  the  knolls  on 
my  left  ran  White  Bird  Creek,  the  banks  of  which  were 
covered  with  thick  brush.  On  the  more  distant  of  these 
ridges  Lieutenant  Theller  halted,  deployed  his  advance- 
guard  and  at  the  same  time  sent  me  word  that  "the  In 
dians  were  in  sight." 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    115 

I  immediately  formed  my  troop  into  line  at  a  trot,  but 
when  I  reached  the  advance  position  I  saw  the  Indians 
coming  out  of  the  brush,  and  realized  that  to  charge 
would  only  drive  them  back  into  the  brush  and  under 
cover  while  my  command  would  be  in  the  open,  exposed 
to  their  fire.  I  took  in  the  situation  at  a  glance;  that  the 
ridge  I  was  on  was  the  most  defensible  position  in  that 
vicinity.  I  accordingly  dismounted  my  troop  and  de 
ployed  on  the  ridge,  sending  my  horses  into  the  valley 
between  the  two  ridges  before  described.  At  the  same 
time  I  directed  the  eight  civilians  to  occupy  the  round 
knoll  on  my  left  and  ordered  Trimble  "to  take  care  of 
my  right." 

Having  made  these  dispositions,  being  under  fire  at 
the  time,  I  told  Theller  to  take  command  of  the  line 
and  then  proceeded  to  consider  the  situation.  I  found  the 
citizens  well  posted  on  the  knoll  on  my  left  which  not 
only  protected  my  line,  but  the  led  horses  in  the  valley 
between  the  two  ridges  before  described.  I  then  started 
for  the  right  of  the  line  to  observe  the  conditions  there, 
and,  if  possible,  borrow  a  trumpet,  as  I  discovered  in 
making  the  deployment  that  mine  had  been  lost.  The 
necessity  for  one  in  action  needs  no  explanation.  When 
about  three-fourths  of  the  way  to  Trimble's  position,  I 
became  aware  of  something  wrong,  and  saw  that  the 
citizens  had  been  driven  off  the  knoll  and  were  in  full 
retreat  and  that  the  Indians  were  occupying  their 
places,  thus  enabling  them  to  enfilade  my  line  and  con 
trol  the  first  ridge.  The  line  on  the  left  was  already  giving 
away  under  the  galling  fire. 

Being  too  far  away  to  charge  and  retake  the  hill,  my 
only  alternative  was  to  fall  back  to  the  second  ridge. 
Galloping  down  to  the  line  and,  having  no  trumpet,  I 
directed  the  word  to  fall  back  to  be  passed  along  the 


u6    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

line.  Seeing  the  order  in  process  of  execution,  I  then 
went  to  Trimble  for  a  trumpet.  I  found  he  was  in  the 
same  plight  as  myself;  namely,  without  a  trumpet,  and 
had  only  time  to  note  that  he  occupied  a  high  point  on 
the  right  of  the  ridge  and  that  some  of  his  men  were 
dismounted,  when  a  commotion  among  my  led  horses 
showed  that  the  left  of  my  line  had  broken,  and  the  men 
were  in  a  mad  scramble  for  their  horses.  I  only  had 
time  to  tell  Trimble  that  if  we  could  not  hold  this  posi 
tion,  we  must  find  one  more  easily  defended,  when  I 
rushed  to  the  left  to  head  off  those  men  who  had  gotten 
their  horses,  and  endeavor  to  establish  a  new  line. 

The  men  on  the  left,  seeing  the  citizens  in  full  retreat 
and  the  Indians  occupying  their  places  and  the  right 
falling  back  in  obedience  to  orders,  were  seized  with 
a  panic  which  was  uncontrollable,  and  then  the  whole 
right  of  the  line,  seeing  the  mad  rush  for  horses  on  the 
left,  also  gave  way  and  the  panic  became  general.  I 
have  never  seen  anything  to  equal  it  except  when  the 
Eighth  Corps  were  jumped  out  of  their  beds  by  Gordon's 
men,  October  19,  1864,  at  Cedar  Creek. 

To  stem  the  onrush  was  simply  impossible.  I  did 
everything  in  human  power  to  halt  and  reform  my 
line,  but  no  sooner  would  one  squad  halt  and  face  about 
than  the  other,  just  placed  in  position,  would  be  gone. 
The  panic  soon  extended  to  H  Troop  which  disin 
tegrated  and  melted  away.  It  was  on  this  second  or  rear 
ridge  that  I  made  my  most  desperate  efforts  to  reform 
my  line,  but  in  vain.  From  that  time  on  there  was  no 
organized  fighting,  but  the  battle  was  confined  to  halt 
ing  first  one  squad  and  then  another,  facing  them  about 
and  holding  the  position  until  flanked  out.  In  this  way 
we  retreated  up  the  low  ground  to  the  right  of  the  road. 

When  nearing  one  of  the  trails  leading  up  the  bluff 


The   Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    117 

on  the  side  opposite  the  road,  I  saw  to  my  rear  a  num 
ber  of  men  occupying  a  point  that  looked  as  though  it 
might  be  successfully  defended,  at  least  for  a  time,  pro 
vided  I  could  reach  it  before  the  men  again  retreated. 
My  horse  failed  to  respond  to  any  further  urging,  and 
feeling  that  everything  depended  upon  my  reaching 
that  point  quickly,  I  jumped  off  and  asked  one  of  my 
men  to  carry  me  on  his  horse,  which  he  did.  When  I 
dismounted,  I  called  to  Trimble,  who  was  some  way  to 
the  rear,  to  halt  a  squad  of  men  near  by  and  place  them 
on  a  point  indicated  by  me.  This  he  did,  at  the  same  time 
telling  me  that  one  of  the  citizens  told  him  that  there 
was  a  better  place  to  defend  higher  up.  I  then  turned  to 
a  sergeant  of  H  Troop,  who  had  a  little  squad  of  men 
on  another  point,  and  told  him  to  hold  it  until  I  could 
place  some  men  on  the  trail  to  command  it  and  our 
position.  Having  done  this,  I  found  that  the  other  men 
were  already  going  to  the  rear.  Being  dismounted,  I 
could  exercise  no  control  over  them. 

I  then,  with  the  few  men  left,  made  my  way  up  the 
bluff,  keeping  under  cover  as  much  as  possible  and 
avoiding  the  trail  until  near  the  summit,  part  of  the  men 
halting  to  fire  while  a  portion  kept  on  to  repeat  this 
maneuver  in  turn.  The  Indians  were  all  the  time  pressing 
us  hard,  but  were  a  little  more  wary,  as  our  ascending 
position  gave  us  a  little  better  command  of  the  lower 
positions.  As  we  came  into  the  trail  near  the  summit,  I 
caught  a  loose  horse  which  I  rode  the  rest  of  the  day. 

When  we  reached  the  summit  the  Indians  were  al 
ready  coming  up  the  trail,  and  also  making  their  way 
around  on  the  ridge  that  I  have  heretofore  mentioned 
as  being  on  my  extreme  right,  and  running  parallel  with 
the  road.  I  saw  Trimble  some  distance  away,  too  far 
to  make  myself  heard,  but  motioned  him  toward  the 


n8    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

road  which  we  went  down,  and  up  which  I  believed 
Parnell  and  Theller  to  be  working  their  way,  but  evi 
dently  was  misunderstood.  I  then  turned  to  the  right 
(late  left)  with  the  few  men  I  had,  and  made  my  way 
to  the  head  of  the  canon  just  as  Parnell  emerged  with 
about  a  dozen  men.  Our  united  squads  made  about 
twenty-eight. 

We  had  only  time  to  acknowledge  each  other's  pres 
ence  when  the  Indians  were  upon  us  and  we  were  obliged 
to  continue  our  retreat,  fighting  and  in  the  same  dis 
order,  our  men  being  still  too  panicky  to  be  depended 
upon,  until  we  reached  Johnson's  Ranch,  two  or  three 
miles  from  the  summit.  Here  was  a  rocky  knoll  that  I 
thought  might  be  defended,  so  I  halted  and  dismounted 
the  men.  But  discovering  the  Indians  crawling  down  to 
kill  our  horses,  I  gave  the  order  to  mount,  and  as  we  had 
an  open  prairie  to  cross  we  were  at  last  able  to  keep  the 
Indians  off.  Parnell  with  the  H  Troop  men  deployed 
on  the  firing-line  while  I  kept  mine  closed  up  and  ready 
to  reinforce  him  should  it  be  necessary. 

Once  a  large  party  of  Indians  charged  us  but,  finding 
they  could  not  stampede  our  small  party  that  we  now 
had  well  in  hand,  they  gave  up  the  pursuit.  Soon  we 
reached  a  fence  around  which  the  road  ran.  They  also 
made  an  attempt  to  cut  us  off  from  the  road  by  reaching 
the  fence  ahead  of  us.  This,  however,  I  observed  in  time 
to  frustrate  by  charging  them  with  my  small  squad. 
From  here  we  continued  on  to  Grangeville,  where  I 
waited  for  General  Howard  with  reinforcements. 

Parnell  received  a  "  Brevet "  and  a  "  Medal  of  Honor  "  for  his  most 
gallant  conduct  on  this  day,  both  of  which  he  fully  deserved. — C.  T.  B. 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird   Canon    119 
Memorandum  by  Capt.  E.  S.  Farrow 

(late   United  States    Army),   to    Accompany    Colonel 
Perry's  Account 

With  daylight,  Perry's  command  began  the  descent 
of  the  rugged  canon  following  a  horse-trail,  by  a  long 
and  tortuous  descent,  to  the  rolling  country  at  the  bot 
tom  of  the  canon. 

A  few  individuals  were  seen  stirring  at  the  Indian 
camp,  well  down  in  the  canon.  Ollicut's  quick  eye  soon 
caught  sight  of  Colonel  Perry's  command  and  soon,  with 
Joseph  and  White  Bird,  with  the  aid  of  an  immense 
field-glass,  a  part  of  their  careful  preparation  for  war, 
every  movement  of  the  troops  and  those  of  the  friendly 
scouts,  Jonah  and  Reuben,  watching  on  the  distant  and 
commanding  hill  nearer  the  Salmon  River,  were  care 
fully  noted. 

Joseph  then  gave  his  orders  for  the  first  battle.  The 
women,  children,  and  plunder  were  prepared  to  be  taken 
across  the  swift  Salmon  if  necessary,  while  Mox-Mox 
would  look  after  the  herd  and  supply  fresh  horses  if 
required.  White  Bird  and  his  braves  were  to  turn  the 
troops  when  they  got  to  a  certain  ridge.  Joseph  and  a 
hundred  warriors  were  near  by,  lying  in  wait  behind  the 
rocks.  Every  Indian  was  ready  to  mount,  and  quietly 
awaited  the  attack  of  the  soldiers. 

Lieutenant  Theller  and  a  detachment  of  eight  men 
were  in  the  lead,  followed  by  Colonel  Perry  and  his  com 
pany  and  a  small  party  of  volunteer  citizens,  with  Cap 
tain  Trimble's  company  about  fifty  yards  farther  to  the 
rear,  all  proceeding  in  column  of  fours.  As  the  column 
approached  two  small  "  Buttes,"  the  Indians  appeared 


I2O    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

"in  skirmish  order/'  in  an  irregular  line,  White  Bird 
executing  a  flank  movement  to  the  left,  while  absolute 
resistance  was  made  to  any  further  advance  of  the 
troops.  The  air  was  full  of  noise  and  smoke  —  many  of 
the  horses  became  wild  and  unmanageable,  while  many 
Indians  were  pressing  up  to  higher  ground  to  the  right 
of  the  troops. 

In  a  few  moments  the  battle  was  lost,  and  only  by 
the  magnificent  coolness  of  Colonel  Perry  and  the  quick 
cooperation  of  his  good  officers  was  it  possible  to  com 
mence  a  retreat.  Several  futile  attempts  were  made  by 
the  panic-stricken  troops  to  hold  high  ground  among 
the  rocks,  along  the  line  of  retreat;  but  the  Indians  were 
too  quick.  Horses  were  galloping  without  riders,  men 
were  falling  while  the  Indians  passed  along  faster  and 
faster,  gaining  the  trails  up  the  flanks  of  White  Bird 
Canon,  which  trails  they  knew  well. 

In  many  places,  where  the  trail  became  steep  and 
narrow,  there  were  desperate  struggles  for  life,  as  shown 
by  the  location  of  the  bodies  of  the  men  who  had  fallen, 
one  after  another.  Defeated,  and  losing  their  brave 
officer  —  Lieutenant  Theller,  the  men  made  every  effort 
to  gain  the  top  of  the  canon  ridge.  Here  Perry  and  Par- 
nell  succeeded  in  rallying  the  remnant  left,  and  beat  a 
rapid  retreat  to  Mount  Idaho,  closely  pursued  and 
fought  by  the  Indians  to  within  four  miles. 

More  than  one-third  of  the  command,  including  Lieu 
tenant  Theller,  was  killed  and  left  on  the  field.  Joseph, 
Ollicut,  and  White  Bird,  with  their  chosen  warriors, 
pushed  forward  in  this  pursuit  to  within  sight  of  Grange- 
ville,  and  then  withdrew  and  slowly  rode  back  to  W7hite 
Bird  Canon  to  gather  up  the  arms  and  ammunition  and 
clothing  of  the  destroyed  command  and  to  enjoy  the 
first  animating  thrill  of  victory. 


The  Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon    121 

Note  by  Dr.  Brady  in  justification  of  Colonel  Perry 

As  is  usually  the  case  after  a  defeat,  Colonel  Perry  was  much  cen 
sured  by  the  press  and  general  public  for  the  disaster  at  White  Bird 
Canon.  In  this  censure,  unfortunately,  some  of  his  officers  joined,  at 
least  by  implication.  At  the  close  of  the  war  Colonel  Perry  demanded 
a  Court  of  Inquiry  as  to  his  conduct  during  the  campaign,  with  par 
ticular  reference  to  the  disaster  at  White  Bird  Canon  and  the  skirmish 
at  Cottonwood.  In  justice  to  Colonel  Perry  the  opinion  of  the  said 
court  is  herewith  appended.  This  report  was  received  with  expressions 
of  approval  and  satisfaction  by  both  the  department  and  division 
commanders,  Generals  Howard  and  McDowell,  and  effectually  dis 
poses  of  any  charge  reflecting  in  the  least  degree  upon  Colonel  Perry. 
I  am  glad  to  include  it  here  and  thus  do  justice,  even  at  this  late  day, 
to  a  brave  officer. —  C.  T.  B. 

OPINION: 

"That  up  to  the  time  of  the  fight  at  White  Bird  Canon  (except  that 
no  evidence  appears  that  a  suitable  quantity  of  ammunition  had  been 
provided  in  case  of  an  emergency),  every  precaution  that  good  judg 
ment  dictated  was  taken  by  Captain  PERRY;  that  at  White  Bird 
Canon  the  disposition  of  the  troops  was  judicious  and  proper,  with  the 
exception  of  leaving  his  left  to  be  protected  by  some  citizens, —  possibly 
unavoidable.  That  soon  after  the  fight  began,  this  point  was  abandoned 
by  the  citizens  in  a  panic  extending  to  nearly  all  the  troops,  who  became 
so  disorganized  and  dispersed  as  to  be  unmanageable. 

"That  Captain  PERRY,  after  the  panic  took  place,  did  all  in  his 
power  to  collect  and  organize  the  men  for  a  defense,  without  success, 
owing  partly  to  the  troops  not  being  well  drilled  in  firing  mounted;  and 
the  Court  does  not  deem  his  conduct  deserving  of  censure. 

"In  regard  to  the  affair  at  Cottonwood,  it  does  not  appear  probable 
that,  had  Captain  PERRY  attacked  under  the  circumstances,  any  great 
advantage  would  have  been  gained,  while,  by  so  doing,  he  would  have 
jeopardized  the  safety  of  his  supplies  of  provisions,  and  more  especially, 
ammunition  for  the  main  column  of  the  field.  His  conduct  there  ap 
pears  to  have  been  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  good  judgment 
and  prudence,  particularly  as  the  enemy  was  flushed  with  success,  and 
a  part  of  his  command  at  least  had  but  recently  suffered  from  a  severe 
disaster. 

"As  regards  the  affair  at  the  Clearwater,  he  appears  to  have  done  all 
required  of  him,  and  all  that,  under  the  circumstances,  could  have 


122    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

been  reasonably  expected  of  him, —  the  Commanding  General  being 
present. 

"It  further  appears  to  the  Court,  from  the  written  statements  of 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  First  Cavalry,  submitted  to  the  Court,  a  color 
ing  by  insinuations  has  been  given,  prejudicial  to  the  conduct  of 
Captain  PERRY,  unwarranted  by  the  evidence." 

The  Reviewing  Officer  approves  the  proceedings,  findings,  and 
opinion  of  the  Court,  excepting  this  shade  of  difference:  that  it  does 
not  appear  to  him,  from  the  evidence,  that  Captain  PERRY  is  at  all 
answerable  for  the  limited  quantity  of  ammunition  on  hand  at  the  en 
gagement  of  White  Bird  Canon;  neither  is  it  clear  that  the  citizens 
(volunteers)  were  misplaced  upon  his  left.  Their  subsequent  conduct 
could  not  have  been  foreseen. 


CHAPTER  SIX 

The  Affair  at  Cottonwood 

By  Brig.-Gen.  David  Perry,United  States  Army(Retired) 

I   WAS  returning  July  4th  from   Fort   Lapwai  to 
General    Howard's    command    in    charge   of    a 
pack-train    loaded    with    ammunition.    It    had 
been    expected    that    Captain    Jackson's    troop 
of  cavalry  would  reach  Lapwai  in  time  to  furnish  a  safe 
escort.  Fearing  that  the  ammunition  might  be  needed, 
I  decided  not  to  wait  longer  and  pushed  ahead  with  a 
small  detachment.    No  one  believed  the  hostiles  to  be 
within  striking  distance,  as  the  last  reports  located  them 
in  the  Salmon  River  Mountains.  Imagine  then  my  sur 
prise  at  meeting  Whipple's  command  that  afternoon 
several  miles  from  Cottonwood  deployed  in  two  lines 
with  his  mountain  guns  between  them. 

Then  it  was  that  I  learned  of  the  appearance  in  that 
neighborhood  of  a  large  body  of  hostiles  and  the  fate 
of  Rains  and  detachment.  It  appears  that  Whipple's 
scouts  reported  seeing  Indians  in  the  hills  back  of  Cot 
tonwood  where  the  command  lay  and  in  the  direction 
of  Lapwai.  Orders  were  immediately  given  to  "  saddle 
up."  As  soon  as  they  could  get  their  horses,  an  advance- 
guard  under  Rains  started  off  at  a  gallop.  In  their  eager 
ness  to  get  away  they  outstripped  by  several  minutes  the 

123 


124.    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

command,  which  was  just  in  the  act  of  mounting  when 
firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  advance-guard. 
Proceeding  at  a  gallop  they  reached  the  scene  of  the 
firing  only  to  find  that  the  entire  detachment  had  been 
cut  off. 

The  Indians  evidently  had  seen  them  coming,  or 
perhaps  —  which  is  more  likely  —  had  prepared  for 
the  whole  command  a  trap  which  was  sprung  by  the 
advance-guard  and  which  undoubtedly  prevented  a 
greater  disaster.  They  had  so  skilfully  secreted  a  large 
party  that  Rains  passed  through  without  discovering 
them.  He  was  thus  caught  between  two  lines  of  hostiles. 
He  at  once  abandoned  his  horses  and  took  position  by  a 
big  boulder  out  in  the  open,  but  undoubtedly  command 
ed  on  all  sides  by  Indian  guns  where  all  were  killed. 

After  meeting  Whipple  I  assumed  command  by  virtue 
of  seniority  and  pushed  on  to  Cottonwood,  where  the 
positions  previously  occupied  were  again  taken  up.  It 
seems  that  Whipple  knew  of  my  coming,  and  think 
ing  that  the  hostiles  might  know  of  my  whereabouts 
and  of  the  ammunition  and  take  me  in,  determined 
to  go  to  my  relief.  The  hostiles  were  in  communica 
tion  with  the  reservation,  it  is  believed,  and  it  would 
have  been  an  easy  matter  for  a  runner  to  have  notified 
Joseph  that  I  had  left  for  the  front,  and  of  the  size  of 
the  detachment  with  me,  about  twenty  men. 

The  place  was  called  Cottonwood  Ranch  House 
and  Corrals,  and  was  situated  close  to  the  open  prairie 
on  the  road  running  from  Lewiston  to  Mount  Idaho. 
At  this  point  the  road  extends  through  the  foot-hills, 
and  the  ranch  was  admirably  located  for  defense,  being 
surrounded  by  high  ground,  I  might  say  a  succession  of 
hills.  I  found  instructions  to  wait  here  for  further  orders 
from  General  Howard. 


The  Affair  at  Cotton  wood      125 

All  the  morning  of  the  5th,  the  Indians  showed 
themselves  at  different  points,  in  facty  seemed  to  be  all 
around  us.  About  the  middle  of  the  day  they  made  a 
determined  attack  upon  our  position,  striking  all  ex 
posed  places  at  the  same  time,  thereby  exhibiting  a 
much  stronger  force  than  we  had  supposed  they  pos 
sessed,  estimated  at  not  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty 
warriors.  Our  positions  were  so  strong  that  they  could 
make  no  impression  on  them,  though  in  some  instances 
they  crawled  up  the  hills  through  the  grass  to  within 
fifty  feet  of  my  men  before  being  discovered.  How 
long  the  main  attack  lasted  I  am  unable  to  recall, 
but  desultory  firing  continued  for  some  time  after  the 
principal  force  had  withdrawn  and  disappeared  from 
view. 

During  the  afternoon  and  after  the  Indians  had  gone, 
my  attention  was  directed  to  a  dust  on  the  prairie,  ap 
parently  coming  toward  us  and  from  the  direction  of 
Mount  Idaho  or  Grangeviile.  At  first  we  took  it  to  be 
loose  stock  (ponies)  and  then  mounted  men,  but  wheth 
er  whites  or  Indians  was  the  question.  Some  said  one 
and  some  another.  Being  mindful  of  the  trap  set  for 
Whipple's  command,  as  before  narrated,  I  was  inclined 
to  believe  it  a  ruse  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  to  draw  us 
out.  All  doubt,  however,  was  soon  dispelled  as  the  In 
dians  attacked  the  party,  which  proved  to  be  a  company 
of  "home  guards"  from  Mount  Idaho. 

I  at  once  rushed  my  front  line  down  the  hill  and  sent 
a  mounted  detachment  to  their  rescue,  which  drove 
the  Indians  off  and  brought  the  party  in.  Their  casual 
ties  I  do  not  now  recall.  Shortly  after  this  the  whole 
hostile  "outfit,"  families,  loose  stock,  etc.,  debouched 
from  the  foot-hills  some  six  or  eight  miles  from  my  posi 
tion  and  started  across  the  prairie  at  a  furious  pace  in 


126   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  direction  of  the  Clearwater,  where  General  Howard 
afterward  engaged  them. 

Captain  Whipple  estimated  two  hundred  and  fifty 
warriors  while  my  command  of  about  one  hundred  had 
a  valuable  train  to  guard,  so  that  to  pursue  them  was  not 
deemed  judicious.  It  was  now  apparent  that  their  hover 
ing  around  my  camp  and  their  attack  was  not,  as  some 
had  supposed,  an  attempt  to  capture  the  train,  but  to 
keep  us  occupied  while  their  families  and  stock  gained 
the  open  prairie  and  prevent  our  sending  out  scouting 
parties,  who,  in  all  probability,  would  have  discovered 
them.* 

*  Another  evidence  of  the  subtilty  and  strategic  skill  of  these  remarkable  Indians. — 
C.  T.  B. 


CHAPTER  SEVEN 
The  Salmon  River  Expedition 

By  Maj.  and  Brev.-Col.  W.  R.  Parnell,  United  States 
Army  (Retired) 

ON  the  24th  of  June,  1877,  seven  days  after  the 
battle  of  White  Bird  Canon,  Troop  H,  First 
Cavalry,  left   Mount  Idaho  by  the  round 
about  way  of  Florence  for  the  little  settle 
ment  of  Slate  Creek  on  the  Salmon  River.  Slate  Creek 
empties  into  Salmon  about  six  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
White  Bird.  The  Indians  were  still  in  camp  on  the  river- 
bank  and  had  possession  of  all  trails  between  the  two 
points. 

The  march  was  through  the  mountains  over  an  old, 
abandoned  trail,  obstructed  by  rocks  and  fallen  timber; 
and,  although  it  was  mid-summer,  snow  and  rain  fell 
almost  incessantly  during  the  trip,  which  was  completed 
at  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  25th.  A  few  men, 
and  many  women  and  children  were  found  at  the  place, 
all  badly  scared,  not  knowing  what  moment  the  redskins 
might  attack  them  and  murder  the  entire  party.  But  the 
expected  arrival  of  the  troop  and  that  of  a  volunteer 
company  of  citizens  from  Lewiston  relieved  all  anxiety. 
We  remained  at  Slate  Creek  until  July  1st  and  then 
crossed  the  Salmon  River  to  join  General  Howard's 

I27 


128    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

column  in  pursuit  of  the  hostiles.  After  the  battle  of 
White  Bird  General  Howard  ordered  all  the  available 
troops  in  his  own  department  to  report  to  him  immedi 
ately  for  field  duty.  In  addition  to  these,  troops  from  the 
departments  of  California  and  Arizona  were  hurried  to 
the  front. 

The  Second  United  States  Infantry  was  promptly  put 
en  route  by  rail  and  boat  from  Atlanta,  Georgia,  to 
Lewiston,  Idaho;  and  the  Fifth  and  Seventh  Infantry, 
together  with  the  Second  and  Seventh  Cavalry  in  Mon 
tana,  were  prepared  to  attack  the  Indians,  should  they 
attempt  to  cross  the  Bitter  Root  Mountains,  which  it 
was  supposed  they  would  do  if  they  could,  hoping  pos 
sibly  to  form  a  junction  with  some  of  Sitting  Bull's 
warriors  in  the  Sioux  country,  or  else  escape  across  the 
line  into  Canada. 

After  crossing  the  river  the  troop  joined  General  How 
ard's  column  at  Brown's  Ranch  at  the  head  of  Sink  Creek, 
and  then  commenced  a  climb  of  twelve  miles  up  the 
steep  and  rugged  sides  of  the  Salmon  River  Mountains. 
It  rained  all  day  and  all  that  night.  Several  pack-mules 
were  lost  —  overboard! — in  the  steep  climb;  the  ani 
mals  would  slip  and  flounder  in  the  mud,  under  heavy 
loads,  and  in  the  struggle  to  get  foothold  in  some  par 
ticularly  steep  places  several  lost  their  balance  and  went 
rolling  down  the  mountain  side,  nearly  two  thousand 
feet,  with  frightful  velocity.  Of  course,  there  was  not 
much  pack  and  very  little  serviceable  mule  left  when  the 
bottom  was  reached. 

The  howitzer  battery  and  the  infantry  and  pack-train 
were  obliged  to  camp  about  half-way  up  the  mountain; 
the  foot  artillery  and  cavalry  troop,  who  had  the  ad 
vance,  reached  the  summit  about  half  past  seven  in  the 
evening.  The  pack-train  being  behind,  the  artillery  as 


The  Salmon  River  Expedition    129 

well  as  the  General  and  staff  had  to  go  without  bedding  or 
rations  until  noon  the  next  day.  Troop  H  led  their  own 
mules  with  the  command  and  shared  their  coffee,  hard 
bread  and  bacon,  as  far  as  it  would  go,  with  their  less 
fortunate  comrades.  Our  Fort  Walla  Walla  Post  surgeon, 
George  M.  Sternberg,  now  Surgeon-General,  was  ill  and 
exhausted  when  he  reached  the  summit.  I,  therefore, 
made  him  turn  in  under  my  blankets  and  canvas  for  the 
night,  while  I  joined  the  large  majority  under  the  trees 
and  kept  the  fire  going  all  night. 

Next  day  the  troop  was  out  scouting.  We  started  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  with  our  clothing  soaking 
wet  from  the  night's  unpleasant  experience  in  the  rain, 
but  after  a  while  the  sun  came  out  and  our  garments 
began  to  steam  and  smoke,  so- that  we  were  completely 
dry  by  the  time  we  returned  to  camp  late  in  the  after 
noon.  We  had  a  sweat  bath  in  the  saddle. 

On  the  4th  the  command  moved  at  an  early  hour, 
following  the  trail  of  the  Indians  down  the  Salmon  River 
again,  and  camped  on  the  river-bank  about  fifteen  miles 
below  White  Bird.  The  Indians  had  recrossed  the  river 
at  the  point  two  days  before,  then  moved  over  to  Cotton- 
wood  and  Craig's  Mountain,  and  had  there  ambushed 
and  killed  Lieut.  S.  M.  Rains,  First  Cavalry,  and  ten 
or  twelve  more  of  Troop  L,  who  had  been  sent  out 
as  an  advance-guard  of  the  troop.  This  occurred  on  July 
3rd,  the  day  our  part  of  the  command  was  engaged  in 
dragging  their  guns  and  pack-mules  up  the  slippery  sides 
of  the  Salmon  River  Mountains. 

The  Indians  had  scuttled  their  canoes;  the  General 
therefore  concluded  to  build  a  raft  to  cross  the  command. 
Lieut.  H.  G.  Otis,  Fourth  Artillery,  was  detailed  for  this 
duty.  His  idea  was  to  take  all  the  cavalry  lariats  (light 
three-fifths  rope),  tie  them  together,  make  one  end 


130    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

fast  to  a  tree  and  the  other  to  the  raft,  and  then  let  the 
current  carry  the  raft  near  enough  to  the  other  side  to  be 
able  to  throw  a  line  from  it  to  the  shore. 

When  it  is  understood  that  the  raft  was  constructed 
of  closely  laid  twelve  inch  hewn  logs,  thirty  or  forty  feet 
long,  pounded  by  a  current  of  water  running  not  less 
than  seven  miles  an  hour,  in  a  river  more  than  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  there  was  not  much  show  for  a 
slender  rope  that  was  not  strong  enough  to  hold  even  a 
single  log. 

I  was  detailed  to  take  charge  of  and  swim  all  the  ani 
mals  across.  While  I  was  engaged  in  this  particularly 
interesting  yet  dangerous  duty  with  fifteen  men,  naked 
and  mounted  on  bare-backed  horses,  I  was  recalled,  for 
"the  raft  went  down  the  river,  hal-le-lu."  *  The  loss  of 
lariats,  alas!  required  the  services  of  the  troop  "Affida 
vit  Corps"  to  square  accounts  with  the  Chief  of  Ordnance 
and  Second  Auditor's  Office.  The  failure  of  the  raft  was 
predicted  by  officers  who  had  years  of  experience  in  that 
kind  of  business,  but  the  young  and  inexperienced  "  sub," 
who  was  on  his  first  campaign,  knew  better.  He  had 
worked  out  mathematically  —  to  his  own  satisfaction  at 
least  —  the  positive  success  of  his  theory ! 

That  afternoon  we  retraced  our  steps,  crossed  the 
river  at  White  Bird  by  boats,  and  camped  at  Grangeville 
on  the  night  of  the  8th.  The  next  day  E,  F,  H,  and  L 
Troops,  P'irst  Cavalry,  marched  to  the  Clearwater  to 
await  the  arrival  of  the  infantry  and  artillery. 

On  the  i  ith  we  crossed  the  Clearwater,  moving  down 
its  eastern  bank  on  the  high  bluffs  above  the  valley. 
When  nearly  opposite  the  confluence  of  the  Cottonwood, 
the  Indians  were  discovered  in  force.  Their  camp  was 

*  This  was  the  refrain  to  a  song  of  the  campaign  composed  by  some  of  the  officers  to 
the  air  of  "Turn  Back  Pharaoh's  Army."—  C.  T.  B. 


The  Salmon  River  Expedition   131 

down  by  the  water's  edge,  but  their  warriors  were  scat 
tered  along  the  slope  from  base  to  summit,  and  fairly 
well  fortified.  They  numbered  about  four  hundred  rifles. 
It  took  but  a  moment  to  wheel  into  line,  deploy,  and 
open  fire  on  them,  and  the  battle  of  Clearwater  com 
menced.  Troop  H  was  on  the  right  of  the  line,  and 
took  care  of  that  flank  as  well  as  guarded  a  little  spring 
of  water  at  the  head  of  a  ravine,  the  only  water  we  had 
for  the  entire  command. 

While  our  pack-train  was  coming  into  camp  eighty  or 
ninety  Indians  emerged  from  the  timber  on  our  left  and 
made  a  daring  attack  on  its  center,  killing  two  packers 
and  a  few  mules,  but  a  quick  move  of  the  troop  and  men 
from  the  left  of  the  line  drove  them  off,  and  the  train 
reached  the  camp  in  safety. 

During  the  afternoon  and  night  and  nearly  all  the  next 
day  the  fighting  continued  more  or  less  severely.  The 
Indians  were  daring  in  their  attacks,  sometimes  charging 
our  line  almost  to  bayonet  distance.  When  in  turn  our 
men  would  charge  down  on  them  driving  them  from 
their  rifle-pits,  and  from  behind  trees  and  stumps  until 
stopped  by  the  main  body. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  I2th, 
Captain  Jackson's  fine  Troop  B,  of  the  First  Cavalry, 
was  seen  in  the  distance  escorting  a  large  pack-train  with 
supplies.  The  artillery  battalion  moved  out  to  assist  him 
in  case  of  attack,  and  after  escorting  him  safely  within 
our  lines  Captain  Miller  moved  his  battalion,  together 
with  Troops  E  and  L,  First  Cavalry,  down  on  the 
right  flank  of  the  Indians  and  drove  them  from  their 
position,  the  infantry  and  howitzers  making  it  exceed 
ingly  hot  for  their  left  and  center.  The  Indians  crossed 
the  river  and  retreated  quietly  on  the  other  side,  and  the 
battle  of  the  Clearwater  was  ended. 


132    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Our  loss  was,  I  believe,  twelve  men  killed  and  two 
officers  and  twenty-five  men  wounded.  The  Indian  loss 
was  unknown,  as  they  carried  their  dead  and  wounded 
with  them. 

The  cavalry  under  Captain  Perry,  the  Senior  Cavalry 
Officer  present,  was  ordered  to  cross  the  river  and  pursue 
the  leisurely  retreating  Indians,  but  the  movement  was 
so  dilatory  and  irritating  that  General  Howard  became 
annoyed  and  countermanding  the  order  directed  the 
cavalry  to  aid  the  fort  troops  in  crossing  the  river.  An 
opportunity  was  lost  on  that  occasion  for  effective  cavalry 
work  that  was  inexcusable.  Five  troops  of  cavalry,  eager 
and  hoping  for  such  a  chance  to  wipe  out  the  White  Bird 
and  Craig's  Mountain  disasters,  were  chafing  to  be  or 
dered  into  action  and  avenge  the  death  of  their  fallen 
comrades. 

The  retreat  of  the  Indians  was  invitingly  deliberate. 
We  should  have  charged  them  on  that  open  ground 
across  the  river,  for  ten  times  their  number  could  not 
have  stopped  the  onslaught  of  our  men  feeling  as  they 
did.  The  survivors  of  White  Bird  Canon  were  especially 
anxious  to  show  their  comrades  of  the  regiment  that 
the  disaster  of  the  iyth  of  June  was  not  their  fault; 
but  not  until  a  year  later  was  such  an  opportunity  af 
forded,  when  on  the  8rh  of  July,  1878,  Captain  Bernard, 
in  command  of  seven  troops  of  the  regiment  at  Birch 
Creek,  Oregon,  gave  them  the  post  of  honor  in  leading 
the  charge  on  the  Bannock  and  Pi-ute  Indians. 

It  is  certain  that  had  we  vigorously  attacked  the  In 
dians  at  that  time,  the  hostiles  would  never  have  crossed 
the  Lo-lo  Trail,  to  add  many  more  valuable  lives  to  the 
already  long  list  of  "killed  in  action."  Every  available 
soldier  in  the  Department  of  the  Columbia,  California 
and  Arizona  was  in  the  field,  and  we  had  so  far  failed  to 


The  Salmon  River  Expedition   133 

accomplish  what  two  small  troops  —  many  of  them 
recruits  —  had  tried  to  do  but  failed  at  White  Bird 
Canon.  It  is  true  that  the  result  of  that  fight  increased 
the  strength  of  the  Indians  to  three  times  their  number 
from  the  reservation  and  from  roving  bands  along  the 
Snake,  Columbia,  and  Palouse  Rivers,  but  the  warlike 
and  fighting  element,  and  the  master  minds,  the  leaders, 
men  of  ability,  shrewdness,  and  diplomacy,  were  exclu 
sively  confined  to  the  non-treaty  Indians  under  Chief 
Joseph,  Ollicut,  and  White  Bird,  who  were  the  com 
manders  at  White  Bird  Canon  as  they  were  during  the 
whole  campaign. 

At  the  "Clearwater"  the  opposing  forces  were  about 
equal.  If  anything  the  troops  had  the  advantage  in 
numbers  as  well  as  position.  And  yet,  strictly  speaking, 
the  Indians  were  not  defeated.  Their  loss  must  have 
been  insignificant  and  their  retreat  to  Kamai  was  master 
ly,  deliberate  and  unmolested,  leaving  us  with  victory 
barren  of  results.  Their  strategy  and  fighting  qualities, 
whether  opposed  to  two  troops  of  cavalry  or  to  General 
Howard's  command  along  the  Clearwater,  or  to  General 
Miles'  troops  in  Montana,  where  they  were  so  largely 
outnumbered,  commanded  the  attention  and  admira 
tion  of  all. 

On  the  I3th  the  command  camped  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Clearwater,  the  Indians  being  in  full  view  on 
the  other  side  at  the  Kamai  Sub-Agency.  On  the  I5th 
the  cavalry  left  camp  for  Durwald's  Ferry,  about  sixty 
miles  down  the  river.  General  Howard  accompanied  the 
command,  his  purpose  being  to  cross  the  ferry  and  make 
a  detour  through  the  heavy  timber,  secure  a  good  posi 
tion  in  the  rear  of  the  Indians,  and  cut  off  their  retreat 
over  the  Lo-lo  Trail.  This  would  have  been  a  good  move, 
as  the  artillery  and  infantry  could  have  attacked  them 


134   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  front  while  the  cavalry  opened  on  them  in  the  rear; 
they  would  have  been  completely  hemmed  in  and  must 
have  surrendered  or  been  annihilated. 

The  shrewd  and  wily  Indian  was  not,  however,  to  be 
caught  in  such  a  trap.  It  was  no  surprise  to  many  of  us, 
therefore,  after  we  had  marched  about  six  miles  to  be 
overtaken  by  a  courier  with  a  message  "that  Chief 
Joseph  had  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce,"  desiring  to  see 
General  Howard. 

The  troops  were  ordered  to  continue  the  march 
twenty  miles,  and  then  return  to  Kamai.  General  How 
ard  returned  at  once,  only  to  find  that  Chief  Joseph 
had  adopted  this  ruse  to  stop  the  move  of  the  cavalry 
and  give  him  time  to  get  possession  of  the  Lo-lo  Trail 
and  all  approaches  to  it.  The  cavalry  made  their  forty 
odd  miles  march  and  then  returned  to  Kamai,  men  and 
horses  weary  and  jaded. 

On  the  1 6th  thirty-two  Indians,  fourteen  of  whom 
were  men,  surrendered.  They  were  part  of  those  who 
had  left  the  reservation  to  join  the  hostiles.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  the  iyth  the  cavalry  made  a  reconnaissance 
over  the  Lo-lo  Trail.  We  had  marched  about  eighteen 
miles  —  by  file  —  over  the  narrow  trail,  which  was 
obstructed  by  works  and  fallen  timber,  when  our  ad 
vance  was  fired  on  by  the  Indian  rear-guard.  One 
scout  was  killed  and  two  wounded.  On  either  side  of 
the  narrow  pathway  over  the  Bitter  Root  Mountains 
the  trees  were  so  close  together  that  a  dog  would  have 
found  it  difficult  to  get  through,  so  that  there  was 
nothing  for  us  to  do  but  return.  We  had,  however, 
accomplished  our  object;  /.  e.9  to  find  out  the  where 
abouts  of  the  Indians. 

While  we  were  at  a  halt,  the  pawing  of  the  horses  re 
moved  some  leaves  and  dirt,  and  exposed  a  quantity 


Group  of  Nez  Perce  Warriors 


Captain  E.  S.  Farrow,  U.  S.  A. 


Colonel  J.  W.  Redington, 
U.  S.  A. 


Captain  S.  G.  Fisher,  U.  S.  A., 
chief  of  Bannock  Scouts  dur 
ing  Nez  Perce  campaign 
Group  of  Officers  who  Fought  in  the  Nez  Perce  War 


Colonel  C.  E.  S.  Wood, 
U.  S.  A.,  retired 


The  Salmon  River  Expedition    135 

of  fresh  sawdust.  Upon  investigation  we  found  consid 
erable  of  it  covered  over  in  a  similar  manner.  We  then 
discovered  that  many  of  the  trees  had  been  sawed  off 
here  and  there,  near  the  trail,  at  a  height  of  three  or 
four  feet  from  the  ground,  leaving  the  trees  still  standing 
on  their  stumps  and  easily  supported  by  the  adjacent 
trees.  The  marks  of  the  saw  were  covered  over  with 
dirt  and  bark,  and  no  doubt  would  have  escaped  ob 
servation  had  we  not  been  stopped  by  the  attack  on  our 
advance.  We  overtook  them  too  soon  for  their  purpose, 
their  object  evidently  being  to  let  us  pass  until  our  rear 
guard  had  advanced  beyond  that  point,  whereupon 
some  fifty  or  sixty  warriors  who  were  concealed  in  the 
timber  were  to  drop  the  trees  across  the  trail  and  block 
our  retreat  while  they  would  attack  us  in  front  and  rear 
from  behind  the  fallen  trees,  for  they  had  done  the 
same  thing  some  distance  ahead.  For  craft  and  deviltry 
the  Indian  is  unequaled.* 

When  we  returned  to  Kamai  a  change  of  program 
had  taken  place.  Reinforcements  had  reached  Lewiston 
and  Mount  Idaho.  The  Second  Infantry  from  Atlanta, 
and  some  of  the  Twelfth  from  California  were  in  camp 
at  Lewiston,  and  several  companies  of  the  Eighth  In 
fantry  were  at  Mount  Idaho.  Col.  John  Green  with  a 
battalion  of  the  First  Cavalry  was  somewhere  in  the 
Salmon  River  range,  en  route  from  Fort  Boise.  A  con 
centration  of  troops  was  ordered  at  Lewiston,  and  from 
there  to  proceed  over  the  Mullan  Road,  via  Spokane 
Falls  into  Montana.  Troop  H,  First  Cavalry,  and  a 
detachment  of  infantry  and  artillery  were  to  remain 
at  Mount  Idaho  and  report  to  Colonel  Green  on  his 

*  This  appears  to  be  entirely  a  legitimate  war  measure  which  the  soldiers  might  have 
practised  without  reprehension.  Why,  therefore,  couple  the  ruse  with  a  suggestion  of 
"deviltry"  only  because  it  was  originated  by  the  Indian  ?  —  C.  T.  B. 


136    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

arrival.  On  the  igth  these  plans  were  again  changed, 
the  removal  of  the  troops  from  Kamai,  except  Throck- 
morton's  Battery,  induced  some  of  the  Indians  to  re 
turn,  destroy  the  agency  and  seriously  threaten  Throck- 
morton.  General  Howard  then  decided  to  pursue  the 
Indians  over  the  Lo-lo  Trail  with  the  troops  who  fought 
at  the  Clearwater  with  the  exception  of  two  depleted 
troops,  F  and  H,  First  Cavalry,  which  were  ordered 
to  report  to  Colonel  Wheaton,  Second  Infantry,  at 
Lewiston. 

The  Lo-lo  Trail  troops  constituted  the  main  column; 
Colonel  Wheaton's  command,  the  "left  wing,"  was 
ordered  to  Spokane  Falls,  and  Colonel  Green's  Cavalry, 
the  "right  wing,"  changed  its  line  of  march  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Luuhi. 

Our  left  wing  marched  to  Spokane  Falls,  where  it  re 
mained  until  August  2  ist  and  then  returned  to  Lapwai. 
The  hostiles  had  no  idea  of  taking  a  back  track  over  the 
Mullan  Road.  They  were  anxious  to  cross  the  line  into 
Canada,  and  were  making  it  exceedingly  interesting  for 
the  combined  forces  of  Generals  Howard  and  Miles  in 
Montana  in  their  efforts  to  do  so. 

The  close  of  the  war  in  October  ended  one  of  the 
most  memorable  campaigns  in  the  history  of  Indian 
warfare. 


CHAPTER   EIGHT 

The  Battle  of  the  Cleat-water 

By  Maj.  J.  G.  Trimble,  United  States  Army,  (Retired) 

ON  quitting  camp  at  Slate  Creek,  Oregon,  I 
marched  my  troop,  consisting  of  thirty  en 
listed  men  and  three  officers,  to  a  crossing 
some  miles  below  the  settlement  on  Salmon 
River  and  put  them  across  — horses  swimming,  men  and 
packs  by  canoe.  This  movement  was  in  obedience  to  an 
order  from  General  Howard  to  join  his  immediate  com 
mand  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians  via  the  Salmon  River 
hills. 

The  hostiles  had  been  confronting  the  General's  com 
mand  at  the  mouth  of  the  White  Bird  Creek,  they,  the 
hostiles,  being  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river,  and  the 
command  under  General  Howard  being  camped  on  our 
battle-field  of  White  Bird  Creek.  After  the  General 
had  collected  boats,  some  of  which  I  sent  him  from 
Slate  Creek,  and  was  prepared  for  a  forward  movement, 
the  Indians  began  a  retreat.  The  troops  followed  about 
the  third  day  after  the  Indians  had  disappeared  from  the 
vicinity  of  the  river.  On  the  first  day's  march  I  joined 
the  General's  command,  and  we  all  proceeded  up  and 
over  the  high  bluffs.  After  a  toilsome  march  of  about  ten 
miles  the  heights  were  reached  and  camp  was  made. 


138    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  infantry  did  not  arrive  until  after  dark  and  the 
pack-train  not  until  midnight,  some  animals  being  lost 
en  route. 

That  night  a  terrific  rain-storm  fell  upon  us.  As  there 
were  no  tents  except  for  the  staff  all  were  drenched  at 
daylight.  I  was  ordered  to  make  a  reconnaissance,  being 
the  only  mounted  force  with  the  command.  My  orders 
were  to  ascertain  which  way  the  enemy's  trail  led, 
though  that  was  evident  from  our  camp  as  it  was  very 
broad  and  resembled  the  trace  of  a  vast  moving  popula 
tion.  In  fact,  their  movements  showed  quite  a  leisurely 
march  or  retreat.  Their  camps  were  made  at  short  in 
tervals  and  no  sign  of  alarm  or  hurry  was  apparent. 

The  troops  took  up  the  pursuit  on  the  second  day  after, 
and  made  camp  in  the  highlands  after  a  march  of  about 
twenty  miles.  The  next  day's  march  brought  us  to  the 
bluff  overlooking  the  Salmon  River  again.  As  the  river 
described  a  bend  hereabouts,  the  Indians  and  the  troops 
traversing  a  chord  of  the  semicircle,  it  was  soon  discov 
ered  that  the  former  had  again  crossed  the  stream,  and 
though  their  skill  and  appliances  made  that  quite  easy 
for  them,  our  utter  want  of  the  same  rendered  it  im 
possible  for  us  to  follow,  so  here  we  were  balked.  An 
effort  was  made  to  swim  some  mounted  men  over,  but 
without  success,  as  the  stream  was  deep  and  rapid  and 
nearly  the  whole  command  inexperienced  in  such  tran 
sit.  A  raft  was  constructed,  but  after  being  loaded  and 
manned,  went  over  the  rapids  and  was  lost.  Fortunately, 
no  one  was  lost  with  it. 

Well,  after  one  night's  sojourn  by  the  river  side,  it 
was  determined  to  retrace  our  way  and  the  command 
started  in  retrograde.  On  reaching  the  head  of  the 
canon  we  were  met  by  a  messenger  escorted  by  two 
friendly  Nez  Perce  Indians.  Here  the  disagreeable 


The  Battle  of  the  Clearwater   139 

tidings  were  conveyed  to  the  General  that  the  hostiles 
had  crossed  Camas  Prairie  in  our  rear,  or  between  us 
and  our  base,  i.  e.,  Fort  Lapwai,  and  after  defeating  a 
force  of  two  troops  of  cavalry  at  Cottonwood  House  were 
there  devastating  the  ranches  and  threatening  the  set 
tlements.  They  had  also  met  and  defeated  a  small  party 
of  citizen  volunteers,  captured  quite  a  herd  of  horses, 
and,  in  fact,  had  the  whole  country  terrorized. 

After  making  one  more  camp  the  command  was  put 
in  march  for  our  original  crossing  of  the  river,  and  ar 
riving  there  in  the  afternoon  were  ferried  over  during 
the  next  day.  Then  we  marched  up  through  White  Bird 
Canon  over  our  first  battle-field  and  then  on  to  Grange- 
ville,  near  Mount  Idaho.  It  was  rather  a  sad  sight  to 
some  of  us  to  see  the  incomplete  manner  in  which  our 
dead  had  been  buried,  although  I  suppose  that  the  heavy 
rains  had  washed  the  earth  from  the  newly-made  graves. 
Some  bodies  were  quite  exposed.  However,  in  due  course 
of  time  all  were  disinterred  and  decently  buried  in  the 
cemetery  at  Walla  Walla,  where  a  handsome  monument 
was  erected  over  them  by  their  comrades  of  the  regi 
ment.  The  fund  for  this  memorial,  I  am  pleased  to  say, 
was  originated  and  secured  principally  by  the  efforts 
of  an  enlisted  man,  my  own  First  Sergeant,  Michael 
McCarthy,  who  witnessed  a  number  of  the  victims  perish 
and  who  came  near  sharing  their  fate. 

The  General  reached  Grangeville  at  dark  escorted 
by  my  troops  and  one  company  of  infantry.  The  next 
morning  a  delegation  of  citizens  called  upon  me  and  re 
lated  all  the  occurrences  happening  in  or  about  the 
prairie,  at  the  same  time  asking  for  guards,  protection, 
etc.  Some  urgent  messengers  also  arrived  from  the  Clear- 
water  River,  who  told  of  the  stress  of  a  party  of  volun 
teers  surrounded  by  the  hostiles,  whereupon  preparations 


140    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

were  made  for  a  march  in  that  direction.  Meanwhile, 
three  troops  of  cavalry  came  up,  Perry's,  Whipple's, 
and  Winter's.  This  command  had  been  posted  at  Cot- 
tonwood  House,  distant  about  twenty-five  miles,  and 
were  there  besieged  by  the  Indians  while  the  latter  were 
crossing  the  prairie  with  their  immense  herds.  So  on 
the  morrow  we  set  out  for  the  position  of  the  hostiles  on 
the  Clearwater,  not  waiting  for  the  infantry  command 
under  Colonel  Miller,  which  had  been  delayed  in  cross 
ing  the  Salmon  River. 

On  arriving  within  a  few  miles  of  the  hostile  camp,  a 
halt  was  called  and  camp  made,  as  it  was  deemed  risky 
to  attack  the  Indians  without  the  infantry  and  Gatling 
guns.  Here  we  learned  that  the  volunteers,  forty  in  num 
ber,  who  were  surrounded,  had  abandoned  their  horses 
to  the  Indians  and  retreated  on  foot  at  dark. 

The  following  day  everything  was  prepared  for  a  for 
ward  movement,  the  infantry  and  Gatling  guns  having 
joined  the  cavalry.  Of  course,  our  advance  was  well 
known  to  the  Indians;  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  How 
ever,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  some  hostiles,  these,  the 
Nez  Perces,  showed  no  disposition  to  flee,  and  our  de 
liberate  movements  only  gave  them  opportunity  for 
greater  defense,  although  I  saw  no  evidence  that  even 
this  advantage  was  improved  by  them.  No  doubt  a 
peculiar  state  of  feeling  took  possession  of  Joseph  and 
his  brother.  Indeed,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  he  did 
not  expect  a  serious  effort  would  be  made  to  drive  them 
from  his  country,  or  even  to  coerce  him  in  extremis,  for 
the  attack  on  and  the  dispersion  of  Looking  Glass's 
band,  which  afterward  joined  his,  should  have  been 
accepted  as  war  without  conditions  on  our  part. 

The  command  moved  out  on  this,  our  last  march,  be 
fore  engaging  the  hostiles  in  the  following  order,  namely: 


The  Battle  of  the  Clearwater   141 

First,  the  cavalry,  four  troops,  about  one  hundred  and 
eighty  men  commanded  by  Brev.-Col.  David  Perry; 
being  F  Troop,  Perry;  L  Troop,  Whipple;  H  Troop, 
Trimble;  E  Troop,  Winters,  with  Lieutenants  Parnell, 
Shelton,  Forse,  and  Knox  attached.  This  command  was 
armed  with  Springfield  carbines  and  Colt's  revolvers. 
After  the  cavalry  marched  the  infantry,  commanded  by 
Capt.  Evan  Miles,  four  companies  strong;  namely: 
Burton's,  Pollock's,  Joslyn's,  and  Miles',  with  Lieuten 
ants  Wood,  Eltonhead,  Duncan,  Bailey,  and  Farrow, 
about  two  hundred  strong.  After  the  infantry  marched 
the  artillery,  acting  as  infantry,  commanded  by  Brev.- 
Col.  Marcus  Miller,  Fourth  Artillery,  four  companies 
strong;  Miller's,  Bancroft's,  Throckmorton's,  and  Rod 
ney's,  about  two  hundred  men.  Two  Catling  guns  drawn 
by  horses  followed  with  suitable  cannoneers. 

H  Troop,  First  Cavalry,  led  the  advance  with  six 
troopers  in  the  extreme  front.  All  were  prepared  for 
immediate  contact  with  the  enemy. 

To  proceed:  the  command  had  marched  but  about 
four  miles  when  my  advance  reported  the  presence  of 
two  Indian  herders  driving  stock  over  the  bluffs  down 
the  Clearwater  River.  These  men  were  plainly  seen  by 
me  and,  of  course,  immediately  reported  to  the  com 
manding  officer.  Quickly  a  number  of  men,  or  officers, 
left  the  main  command,  which  was  marching  in  column, 
and  rode  to  the  edge  of  the  bluff,  shortly  after  reporting 
that  the  Indians  in  the  small  valley  below  were  in  active 
movement.  Their  camp  was  clearly  visible  with  lodges 
standing,  so  the  Indians  were  now  moving  up  the  bluff 
to  their  defenses. 

With  the  advance,  and  without  any  further  orders  or 
change  of  orders,  I  kept  moving  forward.  The  balance 
of  the  command  moved  by  the  flank  to  the  bluff  and 


142    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

presently  became  engaged  with  the  enemy,  but  they 
were  so  hotly  assailed  by  the  Indians  that  they  were 
forced  back  upon  more  easily  defensible  ground.  Now, 
as  I  quietly  proceeded,  though  with  flankers  thrown  out, 
I  became  considerably  separated  from  the  main  com 
mand,  and  meeting  no  opposition  advanced  up  to  the 
edge  of  the  bluffs,  which  were  then  across  my  front  as  I 
approached  obliquely  from  my  original  direction.  I  then 
halted  and  dismounted  my  troop,  and  seeing  Indians 
crossing  the  river  above  me,  at  once  divined  their  object, 
which  was  to  get  in  our  rear.  However,  being  now  out  of 
employment,  as  soon  as  I  heard  the  firing  in  the  rear 
and  saw  the  Indians  crossing  us,  I  sent  my  second  sub 
altern,  Knox,  to  report  the  condition  of  affairs  and  ask 
for  orders. 

In  a  few  moments  the  lieutenant  returned  with  or 
ders  from  Colonel  Mason,  chief -of-staff,  to  withdraw  my 
command  to  the  vicinity  of  the  main  force.  As  I  was 
doing  this  I  encountered  the  whole  pack-train,  under  the 
escort  of  Captain  Rodney's  company,  halted  on  an  open 
mesa,  or  plain.  Rodney  informed  me  that  he  had  no 
orders  and  considered  his  company  too  small  to  defend 
the  train,  if  attacked.  I  replied  that  if  he  wished  to  move 
the  train  back  to  the  vicinity  of  the  main  command,  I 
would  deploy  my  troop  on  foot  in  his  rear  and  thus 
afford  support,  as  I  suspected  that  the  Indians  would 
soon  be  all  around  us  in  accordance  with  their  usual 
practice. 

Upon  our  moving  back  the  train  was  so  attacked,  but 
the  hostiles  were  driven  off  with  a  loss  of  two  men  and 
two  pack  animals  on  our  side.  A  small  detached  train  of 
about  six  or  seven  animals  loaded  with  the  ammunition 
was  also  saved.  All  were  moved  to  the  high  ground  in 
the  rear  of  the  location  where  the  principal  fighting  was 


The  Battle  of  the  Clearwater   143 

going  on,  and  Rodney's  and  my  company  forming  a  line 
in  the  rear,  the  whole  position  was  thus  defended. 

The  other  troops  of  cavalry  were,  or  had  been,  dis 
mounted,  the  horses  assembled  on  the  plateau  on  which 
the  train  was  halted,  and  the  men  became  engaged  be 
side  the  infantry  in  what  was  now  a  defensive  fight. 
Assaults  were  made  on  the  Indian  position  which  was 
established  in  the  woods  on  the  edge  of  the  bluff,  but 
each  one  was  repulsed  by  the  hostiles,  who  finally  only 
engaged  the  troops  at  long  range,  although  there  was 
some  fierce  fighting  at  times  and  a  dozen  or  more  men 
were  killed  with  a  proportion  of  wounded. 

I  cannot  relate  exactly  what  went  on  in  front  of  the 
main  command  as  I  had  our  line  to  guard,  though  our 
firing  was  slight  in  comparison.  Of  course,  there  was  the 
usual  excitement  of  the  battle-field,  and  many  could,  no 
doubt,  describe  things  very  graphically.  Quite  a  number 
of  the  officers  present  were  experiencing  their  first  taste 
of  real  war,  and  very  few  of  the  men  had  been  engaged 
with  an  enemy  prior  to  this  time.  However,  there  were 
also  quite  a  number  who  could  contemplate  the  affair 
coolly  and  could  not  notice  anything  extraordinary  either 
in  the  resistance  of  the  Indians,  the  determination  of 
the  defense,  or  the  strategy  enacted. 

The  Nez  Perces  had  on  one  or  two  occasions  before 
this  shown  a  very  warlike  spirit,  a  considerable  general 
ship  and  undoubted  bravery.  The  present  position  to 
which  the  troops  fell  back  and  on  which  they  main 
tained  themselves  was  in  some  respects  good,  as  the 
ground  was  higher  and  sufficiently  undulating  to  make 
temporary  earthworks  easy  of  erection.  Furthermore,  as 
the  whole  line  was  clear  of  the  timber,  any  hostile  seen 
emerging  therefrom  could  easily  be  stopped.  But  the 
enemy  had  the  advantage  of  the  river,  it  being  at  their 


144-    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

back  though  about  a  mile  below  by  the  trail.  The  lines 
were  separated  about  eight  hundred  yards  and  extended 
about  half  the  circle  inclosed,  though  a  defense  was 
maintained  around  the  whole.  Yet  the  hostiles,  after  the 
assault  on  the  pack-train,  did  not  attempt  anything  ex 
cept  on  the  line  next  the  timber  where  the  first  fighting 
took  place. 

But  we  were  unfortunate  in  having  no  water  until  a 
small  spring  was  discovered  by  one  of  my  men,  Private 
Fowler,  who  gallantly  went  forward  under  considerable 
fire  and  filled  several  canteens  which  were  sorely  needed 
by  the  wounded.  So  I  may  say,  without  disrespect  to  the 
commanding  general,  that  the  position  taken  up  was 
without  much  regard  seemingly  to  the  necessities  of  a 
command  curtailed  in  limits.  The  cavalry  horses  and 
pack  animals  to  the  number  of  about  three  hundred  were 
collected  and  held  in  the  center  of  the  circumference, 
and  suffered  much  from  want  of  water.  For  thirty  hours 
or  more  they  were  thus  confined. 

Well,  the  situation  at  dark  was  this :  The  troops  were 
in  the  circle  on  the  defensive,  the  Indians  in  similar 
manner,  though  upon  a  line  or  nearly  so  at  the  edge  of 
the  bluff  and  in  the  timber.  A  few  were  killed  and  wound 
ed  on  both  sides.  I  should  think  the  area  absolutely 
commanded  by  the  hostiles  was  about  twenty  miles  in 
every  direction;  that  is,  it  would  be  unsafe  for  any  one 
to  venture  out  of  our  lines  or  immediate  vicinity. 

When  night  fell  there  was  almost  complete  cessation 
of  shooting,  and  the  Indians  could  be  distinctly  heard 
in  various  forms  of  expression,  sometimes  in  earnest 
talk,  sometimes  in  harangue;  the  chief  exhorting  the 
hardy  to  greater  bravery  on  the  morrow  and  anon  re 
proving  the  delinquent.  Now  and  then  the  female  voice 
could  be  detected  in  a  plaintive  wail  of  mourning,  some- 


The  Battle  of  the  Clearwater   145 

times  in  low  and  tremulous  unison,  then  breaking  into 
a  piercing  cry.  Those  of  us  accustomed  to  Indians  in  all 
situations  and  to  our  own  condition  in  like  circumstances, 
could  readily  discern  the  different  phases  of  their  emo 
tional  expressions.  The  occasion  was  quite  serious  in 
deed.  The  clear  sky,  the  stillness  of  the  night,  added  to  a 
feeling  of  weariness  on  our  part,  made  the  distant  sounds 
strike  the  ear  with  an  intensely  mournful  cadence. 

At  daylight  both  sides  seemed  alert  and  long  shots 
were  given  and  taken.  About  sunrise  several  of  the 
hostiles  essayed  to  discover  if  any  reinforcements  were 
on  the  way  for  us.  They  would  shoot  out  from  the  tim 
ber  and  at  top  speed  gain  the  trail.  This  fact  required 
exposure,  as  each  attempt  was  made  a  target  for  the 
long  range  rifle  of  our  infantry.  I  saw  one  horse  shot,  but 
it  was  astonishing  to  see  the  swiftness  of  their  ponies 
and  the  savage  maneuvers  performed  by  those  expert 
horsemen. 

I  could  not  tell  what  designs  were  intended  by  our  com 
mander.  The  morning  seemed  to  be  taken  up  in  strength 
ening  our  defenses,  cooking,  and  the  various  duties  of 
camp  so  far  as  these  could  be  carried  on  in  our  situation. 
About  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon  a  dust  was  des 
cried  in  the  direction  whence  we  came,  or  toward  the 
settlements.  In  due  time  a  herd,  or  train,  perhaps  a 
column  of  troops,  was  made  out  in  the  distance.  All 
eyes  were  strained  and  many  memories  recalled  no 
doubt  the  traditional  morning  watch  of  "Sister  Anne" 
in  Bluebeard's  tower,  though  where  additional  troops 
were  to  come  from  in  that  time  I,  for  one,  could  not 
guess.  However,  a  well-defined  organization  was  soon 
espied.  It  was  evidently  relief  of  some  kind.  Colonel 
Miller's  command  was  ordered  out  to  meet  it.  These 
troops,  four  companies,  marched  out  with  very  little 


146   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

molestation  on  the  part  of  the  hostiles.  They  interposed 
themselves,  or  rather  Colonel  Miller  marched  his  com 
mand  between  the  coming  train  and  the  position  oc 
cupied  by  the  enemy,  a  very  pretty  movement  as  we 
watched  it  from  our  greater  elevation.  Soon  the  pack- 
train,  as  it  proved  to  be,  guarded  by  Captain  Jackson's 
troop,  First  Cavalry,  was  under  due  escort  and  rapidly 
approaching.  This  gallant  officer  had  brought  the  train 
from  Fort  Lapwai,  some  eight  miles  distant,  safely  and 
courageously  into  our  very  invested  lines,  though  how 
without  a  fight  was  certainly  singular. 

But  now  to  relate  the  final  act  in  the  drama  of  "Clear- 
water."  I  wish  the  power  of  description  were  given  me 
to  recite  this  fine  performance.  Colonel  Miller,  who 
always  takes  a  prominent  position  in  matters  of  duty 
and  gallantry  on  the  field,  determined  that  his  command 
should  not  on  this  occasion  simply  "march  up  hill  and 
down  again."  He,  therefore,  conceived  a  plan  either  to 
end  the  battle  then  and  there,  or  to  test  the  mettle  of  his 
troops  to  the  utmost.  After  marching  in  escort,  as  it 
were,  to  the  train  and  apparently  returning  with  it,  on 
reaching  a  point  immediately  in  front  of  the  Indian 
barricades,  he  quickly  wheeled  his  battalions,  and  form 
ing  line  moved  forward  at  double  time  directly  on  the 
works.  Soon  both  sides  were  engaged  in  deadly  fusillade. 

Simultaneously  an  advance  and  charge  were  ordered 
and  taken  up  by  all  the  troops  on  the  line  confronting 
the  Indian  position,  firing  by  volley  and  in  skirmish 
order.  The  yelling  of  the  savages  and  the  ever  louder 
shouts  of  the  soldiers  soon  changed  the  scenes  and 
sounds  from  the  setting  heretofore  pervading  to  wild 
exclamations  and  roars  of  impending  strife. 

The  redskins  were  broken  and  driven  fleeing  before 
the  same  enemy  whom  they  had  only  the  day  before 


The  Battle  of  the  Clearwater   147 

forced  back,  but  who,  reinvigorated  with  the  long  drawn 
breath  and  serious  reflection  of  the  past  day  and  night, 
had  come  to  regard  the  matter  in  deadly  earnest.  The 
Indians  fled  down  the  high  bluffs,  crossed  the  river  and 
joined  their  families.  Soon  they  were  seen  slowly  ascend 
ing  the  high  hills  beyond,  though  not  in  stampede.  Our 
Catling  guns  with  my  own  troop  in  support  moved 
quickly  to  a  point  on  the  brow  and  poured  in  a  rapid, 
but  as  I  suspect  ineffective,  fire  upon  the  moving  tribe 
and  also  upon  the  now  deserted  village. 

The  cavalry  were  soon  mounted  and  moving  down 
the  trail  in  pursuit,  but,  owing  to  a  rumor  that  a  body  of 
the  hostiles  were  returning,  after  crossing  the  stream, 
they  were  ordered  to  dismount  and  take  up  a  defensive 
position  under  the  river-bank  quite  near  the  village, 
where  a  number  of  tepee  frames  were  still  standing. 

As  the  main  force  of  our  command  had  to  reform  and 
prepare  for  an  onward  movement,  the  dead  were  to  be 
collected,  the  wounded  cared  for,  and  the  animals  so 
long  confined  to  be  attended  to,  the  time  approached 
sunset  before  all  was  ready  for  the  advance.  Consequent 
ly,  when  the  column  had  marched  down  the  bluff  and 
crossed  the  stream,  it  was  decided  to  move  no  farther 
that  night,  and  camp  was  made.  During  the  evening  a 
number  of  caches  were  discovered  and  much  plunder 
was  obtained. 

The  Indians  here  discarded  all  surplus  baggage  and 
household  utensils,  but,  as  subsequently  transpired, 
carried  off  enough  to  serve  their  purposes  for  some 
months  to  come.  The  only  living  objects  that  were  aban 
doned  by  them  were  about  half  a  dozen  crippled  horses 
and  one  poor  aged  squaw. 

Our  dead  were  buried  on  the  hill  above  and  the 
wounded  sent  under  escort  of  a  troop  of  cavalry  back  to 


148    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Fort  Lapwai  the  next  day.  The  following  morning  our 
command  broke  camp  in  pursuit  of  Joseph.  I  will  state 
some  few  details  which  may  vary  somewhat  from  other 
movements  against  Indians,  and  may  perhaps  also  throw 
some  light  upon  the  methods  and  management  of  the 
Nez  Perce  campaign. 

Our  generals  commanding  had  arrived  at  the  con 
clusion  that  the  Nez  Perce  Indians  were  no  despicable 
foemen,  and  in  this  opinion  the  troops  coincided  to  a 
man.  At  that  time  the  newspapers  contained  no  such 
encomiums  as  they  displayed  when  recounting  the 
wrongs  suffered  by  the  murderous  Modocs,  although 
sufficient  information  concerning  this  highly  intelligent 
tribe  was  extant  and  their  bravery  in  battle  was  well 
established.  Before  the  campaign  closed,  however,  much 
was  written  and  spoken  by  our  people  in  the  "  Far  East " 
in  eulogy  of  their  prowess,  the  generalship  of  Joseph  and 
the  sad  fate  awaiting  his  followers,  but  not  until  the 
latter  was  assured. 

If  ever  a  tribe  of  aborigines  was  worthy  of  fostering 
and  improving  side  by  side  with  their  more  powerful 
brethren  of  the  human  race  it  was  the  Nez  Perces.  But 
no  recollection  of  former  service  or  common  ties  of 
humanity  could  stand  before  the  white  man's  greed. 
This  is  human  nature,  I  suppose,  the  possession  of  which 
attribute  is  in  some  cases  extolled  as  a  jewel  of  rich 
inheritance. 

To  resume,  it  was  a  lovely  sight  we  beheld  on  arriving 
at  the  heights  overlooking  the  Kamai  Valley.  The  fields 
belonging  to  the  still  loyal  bands  of  Nez  Perces  were 
green  with  grain  not  yet  ripe,  the  hills  beyond  clad  in 
spring  attire,  the  beautiful  river  flowing  between,  and 
the  Agency  buildings  shining  white  in  the  background. 
In  fact,  all  nature  appeared  to  bloom  with  loveliness,  and 


The  Battle  of  the  Clear  water   149 

to  us,  who  had  not  viewed  any  ripening  tillage  since  the 
year  before,  all  this  cultivation  seemed  most  inviting, 
especially  amid  the  scenes  enacting  around  us  and  the 
warlike  prospects  ahead. 

Joseph  and  his  warriors,  having  nothing,  passed 
through  and  among  these  possessions  of  their  peaceful 
brothers.  He  crossed  the  river  with  his  own  means  of 
transport  and  took  his  stand  on  the  bluffs  beyond.  He 
also  deployed  a  number  of  his  men  on  the  river-bank, 
either  to  dispute  its  passage  or  inflict  some  damage  on 
the  troops  as  they  approached.  This  the  cavalry  did 
rather  incautiously  and  receiving  several  volleys  retired 
in  some  haste,  if  not  confusion.  After  a  slight  skirmish 
the  hostiles  retired  out  of  range. 

I  may  say  that  here  the  second  act  or  the  second  part 
of  the  campaign  ended,  as  the  troops  remained  here  for 
some  weeks,  returned  to  Fort  Lapwai  leaving  a  guard  — 
which  was  my  troop  —  returned  again,  reinforced  and 
refitted,  made  several  scouts  here  and  there,  and  finally 
followed  the  Indian  on  the  Lo-lo  Trail  after  an  inter 
val  of  about  fifteen  days  from  the  date  of  their  departure. 

An  incident  or  two  connected  with  our  scout  on  the 
Lo-lo  Trail  would  rightfully  belong  to  this  paper  to 
show  the  great  assistance  rendered  by  the  loyal  Nez 
Perces  and  also  the  brave  spirit  manifested  by  them  on 
many  occasions.  From  the  time  these  Indians  signed 
the  treaty  they  never  swerved  from  their  allegiance  to  the 
Government,  but  tilled  their  land,  attended  the  church 
and  school,  and  were  ever  ready  to  give  their  services  in 
all  matters  connected  with  frontier  settlement  and  the 
discouragement  of  turbulent  tribes. 

Six  of  them  accompanied  us  on  this  occasion  and 
rode  well  ahead  as  advance,  or  flankers.  As  soon  as  the 
"hostiles"  were  met  or  discovered,  they  rushed  forward 


150   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  make  a  parley,  but  were  greeted  with  a  fusillade  from 
the  rifle  and  two  were  shot,  one  being  killed.  Then,  in  a 
further  attempt,  or  perhaps  retaliation,  James  Reuben, 
a  very  intelligent  Indian,  was  wounded.  He  made  a  cir 
cuit  to  get  into  our  lines  and  the  timber  being  quite  dense 
came  near  being  killed  before  the  soldiers  recognized 
him. 

Those  of  us  who  still  survive  that  bloody  affair  will 
never  forget  the  service  rendered  by  these  true  Indians, 
nor  the  humanity  and  hospitality  shown  by  their  people 
in  this  our  hour  of  adversity. 


CHAPTER  NINE 

The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers  and  the 
le  of  Clearwater 


By  Capt.  E.  S.  Farrow,  late  United  States  Army 
I.  The  Gathering  of  the  Troops 

TROOPS  were  soon  hastening  to  the  scene  of 
trouble  from  all  directions.  Captain  Whipple, 
in  Indian  Valley,  near  the  Wallowa,  made 
forced  marches  with  Company  L,  First  Cav 
alry.  The  few  troops  at  Fort  Walla  Walla  and  those 
near  Wallula,  and  all  available  men  from  Forts  Van 
couver,    Stevens,    Canby,    Townsend,    Klamath,    and 
Harney,  were  also  in  motion.  The  artillerymen  about 
this  time  returning  from  Alaska  were  caught  on  the  wing 
and  turned  toward  Fort  Lapwai.  The  call  for  troops 
was  answered  from  California,  Arizona,  and  even  Geor 
gia,  whence  came  the  Second  Infantry. 

The  most  fearful  excitement  prevailed  at  this  time, 
and  citizens  and  friendly  Indians  and  their  families 
flocked  from  all  directions  to  Fort  Lapwai  for  protection. 
All  kinds  of  rumors  as  to  Colonel  Perry's  destruction  and 
indiscriminate  massacres  were  flying  in  to  the  post  from 
all  sources  and  directions.  Lewiston  was  made  the  base 
of  supplies  and  the  concentration  of  troops  was  actively 
pushed. 


152    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

By  June  2ist,  eight  companies  of  troops  (in  the 
aggregate  about  two  hundred  and  fifteen  men)  had 
arrived  at  Fort  Lapwai,  and  a  small  organization  of 
volunteers  under  Captain  Paige  had  arrived  with  Cap 
tain  Whipple.  The  friendly  Indians  generously  supplied 
a  sufficiency  of  Indian  ponies.  While  preparations  were 
being  made  for  departure  to  the  front,  Capt.  Evan  Miles, 
with  several  companies  of  the  Twenty-first  Infantry, 
Capt.  Marcus  P.  Miller,  with  several  companies  of  the 
Fourth  Artillery,  and  Captain  Winters,  with  a  company 
of  the  First  Cavalry,  by  quick  movements  had  arrived 
at  Lewiston.  Lieutenant  Bomus  improvised  a  mule  pack- 
train  and  impressed  into  the  service  all  the  transporta 
tion  that  could  be  found  available. 

The  moment  of  starting  was  solemn  —  the  Indians 
were  numerous  and  the  air  was  full  of  rumors,  and  the 
daring  messengers,  who  had  skulked  through  from 
Colonel  Perry  to  Lapwai,  over  roundabout  and  un 
looked-for  paths,  largely  magnified  the  dangers.  The 
column  consisted  of  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery  (on 
foot),  flanked  with  two  Catling  guns  and  an  old  moun 
tain  howitzer,  formerly  used  as  the  morning  and  evening 
gun  at  Fort  Lapwai,  all  followed  by  an  unstable  pack- 
train  of  noisy  mules,  every  animal  carrying  its  maximum 
load.  Every  foot  of  the  march  over  Craig's  Mountain 
was  carefully  skirmished,  the  column  proceeding  at 
ease,  stretched  out  about  a  mile. 

The  column,  under  command  of  Captain  Miller,  went 
into  camp  on  the  22nd  of  June,  after  the  first  day's 
march,  at  Junction  Trail  (Mount  Idaho  and  Craig's 
Ferry  Trail).  The  next  morning  reveille  was  sounded 
at  four  A.M.,  and  a  hard  march  was  made  to  Norton's 
Ranch.  The  next  day,  June  24th,  was  Sunday,  and 
was  spent  in  concentrating  the  forces  as  far  as  possi- 


The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers    153 

ble,  and  ascertaining  the  then  position  of  the  victorious 
Indians. 

On  Monday  a  brisk  movement  was  made  forward, 
the  infantry,  bearing  off  to  the  right,  went  to  "Johnson's 
Ranch,"  where  Perry  made  his  stand,  when  retreating, 
and  enabled  his  stragglers  to  close  in.  General  Howard, 
with  the  cavalry,  deviated  to  Grangeville  and  there  met 
the  remnants  of  Perry's  command  and  made  provisions 
for  additional  supplies.  Leaving  the  cavalry  to  rest  until 
his  return,  the  General  made  a  hurried  visit  to  Mount 
Idaho,  nearly  reassured  the  trembling,  frightened  con 
gregation  of  people,  and  ministered  to  the  many  who 
had  suffered  outrages  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

Camp  at  "Johnson's  Ranch"  was  broken  early  the 
next  morning  and  the  column  was  moved  to  the  head  of 
White  Bird  Canon,  with  two  objects  in  view  —  first,  to 
bring  Perry's  dead,  and  to  reconnoiter  to  locate  Joseph 
and  White  Bird.  These,  with  all  their  warriors,  women, 
children  and  baggage,  were  well  across  the  Salmon,  and 
from  high  sharp-pointed  hills  were  observing  every 
movement  of  the  troops.  Joseph  had  at  first  intended 
to  give  General  Howard  battle  before  crossing  the  Salm 
on  River;  but  changed  his  plans,  great  general  that 
he  was,  and  sought  to  draw  the  troops  into  the  vicinity 
of  the  "Seven  Devils,"  where  they  could  be  more 
easily  cut  off  from  supplies  or  flanked.  Having  buried 
the  dead  and  made  a  satisfactory  reconnaissance,  the 
command  gathered,  over  muddy  trails,  at  the  head  of 
the  canon,  and  returned  to  Johnson's  Ranch  to  camp 
for  the  night. 

The  troops  were  quickly  gathered  near  the  mouth  of 
White  Bird  Canon.  From  the  high  bluff  lying  between 
the  forks  of  White  Bird  Creek  could  be  seen  the  ir 
regular  mountain  valley  held  by  the  Indians  beyond  the 


154   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

restless  Salmon.  Their  sentries  and  outposts  were 
shouting  back  and  forth.  While  the  troops  were  con 
structing  rafts  and  preparing  to  cross,  the  Indians 
came  from  ravines  and  hilltops  and  opened  fire.  This 
was  merely  a  ruse  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  troops, 
while  the  main  body  of  Indians  were  moving  to  recross 


^ 


TRAINS  O 
HEADQUARTERS 


CLEAKVN&TER 


BY  CAPT  ROBT  r  FLETCHER.USA 


the  Salmon  twenty-five  miles  lower  down  at  Craig's 
Ferry. 

Chief  Looking  Glass,  in  the  rear,  was  now  giving 
trouble.  Captain  Whipple  was  sent  to  the  fork  of  the 
Clearwater  to  take  him  and  his  band  to  Mount  Idaho. 
Looking  Glass  and  his  band  escaped  to  join  Joseph, 
and  Captain  Whipple's  cavalry  proceeded  to  Norton's 


The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers    155 

Ranch.  On  the  morning  of  July  3rd,  Captain  Whipple 
sent  two  citizen  scouts,  Foster  and  Blewett,  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Craig's  Ferry  in  search  of  indications  of  the 
presence  of  any  Indians.  Blewett  was  killed;  but  Foster 
returned  to  camp  and  reported  that  he  had  seen  In 
dians  about  twelve  miles  distant,  proceeding  from  the 
direction  of  Craig's  Ferry. 

Captain  Whipple  then  hastened  to  send  Lieut.  S^vier 
M.  Rains,  of  his  company,  with  ten  picked  men  and 
the  scout  Foster  to  recover  Blewett  and  ascertain  the 
strength  of  the  enemy.  The  command  was  soon  in 
motion,  and  closely  followed  Lieutenant  Rains.  Firing 
was  soon  heard  in  the  front.  A  rapid  gait  was  assumed 
and  after  traveling  two  miles  Indians  were  seen  in 
force  about  half  a  mile  distant;  and  on  approaching 
nearer,  it  was  found  that  Lieutenant  Rains  and  every 
man  of  his  detachment  had  been  killed.  This  was  a 
terrible  disaster. 

At  the  appearance  of  Captain  Whipple's  command 
the  Indians  took  the  back  track  and  soon  had  the 
prairies  to  themselves  and  leisurely  crossed  the  road 
between  Grangeville  and  Cottonwood,  where  Colonel 
Perry  and  Captain  Whipple  had  joined  forces.  At  this 
time  Joseph  picked  up  Looking  Glass,  and  his  war 
parties  made  it  very  lively  for  the  troops  and  volunteer 
detachments  at  Cottonwood  and  other  points. 

II.  The  Two  Days  of  Hard  Fighting 

The  nth  of  July,  the  commencement  of  the  Clear- 
water  battle,  was  a  memorable  day.  Early  on  this  day 
the  troops  were  moving  carefully  through  rough  forests 
and  deep  ravines,  over  ridges  and  through  ravines,  to  the 
confluence  of  the  two  Clearwaters.  About  noon  the 


156    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Indians  were  in  close  proximity  in  several  deep  ravines, 
near  the  mouth  of  Cottonwood  Creek,  and  were  watch 
ing  the  approach  of  the  troops.  As  quickly  as  possi 
ble  a  howitzer  and  two  Gatling  guns,  mounted  by  a 
detachment  under  Lieut.  H.  G.  Otis,  Fourth  Artillery, 
were  brought  to  bear  on  the  masses  of  the  Indians 
below. 

The  Indians  lost  no  time  in  running  their  horses  up 
the  south  fork  of  the  Clearwater,  on  both  sides,  and 
quickly  placing  their  stock  beyond  range.  It  was  their 
intention  to  escape  by  a  canon  on  the  left,  leading  to 
the  rear,  at  a  small  angle  with  the  river.  But  this  was 
prevented  by  a  quick  movement  of  the  howitzer  and 
Gatling  guns  to  a  second  bluff  in  that  direction,  beyond 
a  deep  and  rocky  transverse  ravine,  almost  at  right 
angles  to  the  canon. 

Beyond  the  second  bluff,  Joseph  and  his  warriors 
were  quickly  dismounted  and  in  position,  awaiting  the 
approach  of  the  troops,  and  lost  no  time  in  despatching 
about  forty  or  fifty  mounted  Indians  to  annoy  the  left 
flank  of  the  approaching  column.  At  this  moment  Colo 
nel  Mason,  the  Department  Inspector-General,  ap 
peared,  with  Burton's  and  Farrow's  companies  of 
infantry,  which  deployed,  stretching  off  to  the  right, 
with  Winter's  cavalry  on  his  right.  All  now  pressed 
forward,  in  open  line,  under  a  hail  of  fire. 

The  line  of  troops  was  rapidly  extended  to  the  left  by 
the  cavalry,  and  to  the  right  by  the  infantry  and  artil 
lery  battalions,  gradually  refusing  the  flanks  until  the 
blufF  was  entirely  enveloped.  Four  hundred  men  thus 
held  a  line  about  two  and  one-half  miles  in  extent.  The 
main  pack  had  passed  by  this  position,  but  a  small 
train  was  still  on  the  road  near  the  line  of  battle.  The 
Indian  flankers,  by  rapid  movement,  nruck  the  rear  of 


The  Assembling  of  the   Soldiers    157 


158    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

this  train,  killed  two  men  and  disabled  two  packs  loaded 
with  howitzer  ammunition. 

The  steep  and  high  banks  of  the  river  are  roughly  cut 
with  numerous  most  rugged  transverse  ravines.  The 
Indian  camp,  from  which  the  hostiles  emerged  on  the 
approach  of  the  troops,  yet  hidden  from  view,  was  be 
yond  the  river,  and  hundreds  of  ponies  and  horses  were 
herded  in  the  ravines  near  this  camp.  The  warriors, 
finely  mounted,  had  forded  the  river  under  cover  of  the 
bluffs  and  were  racing  up  a  transverse  ravine,  endeavor 
ing  to  cut  off  the  trains  and  stampede  the  cavalry,  then 
dismounted  and  on  the  firing-line. 

From  this  moment  the  Indians  manifested  remark 
able  quickness  and  boldness,  planted  sharpshooters  at 
every  conceivable  point,  made  terrific  charges  on  foot 
and  on  horseback  to  the  accompaniment  of  savage  yells 
and  demonstrations.  Many  remarkable  feats  of  courage 
were  noticeable  throughout  the  engagement,  all  calcu 
lated  to  encourage  the  warriors  to  follow  in  the  bold 
attempts  to  turn  the  flank  of  the  position.  All  these  at 
tempts  were  resisted  at  every  part  of  the  line. 

At  about  four  P.M.  a  spirited  countercharge  was 
made  by  Capt.  Evan  Miles,  commanding  the  infantry 
battalion,  down  into  a  ravine  on  the  right.  Captain  Ban 
croft,  Fourth  Artillery,  and  Lieutenants  Williams  and 
Farrow,  Twenty-first  Infantry,  were  wounded  at  this 
time.  This  was  a  desperate  but  successful  movement, 
many  Indians  were  then  killed  and  the  ravine  was 
thoroughly  cleared  of  a  murderous  enemy  at  short  range. 
A  little  later,  Captain  Miller  led  a  second  charge  near 
the  center,  while  a  demonstration  was  made  on  the  right, 
using  artillery  and  infantry,  and  thus  was  secured  the 
disputed  ravine  near  Winter's  position.  Further  spas 
modic  charges  by  the  Indians  on  the  left  were  repelled 


The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers    159 

by  Perry's  and  Whipple's  cavalry  and  Morris's  artillery. 
At  dark  the  Indians  still  held  the  only  spring  or  water- 
supply,  in  spite  of  many  successful  charges  made  by  the 
troops. 

During  the  night,  additional  rifle-pits  and  barricades 
were  constructed  by  both  the  troops  and  Indians,  each 
party  still  hopeful  of  a  final  victory.  Firing  was  kept  up 
throughout  the  night,  every  flash  drawing  return  fire. 
Under  cover  of  darkness,  all  available  canteens  and 
buckets  were  filled  at  the  spring,  in  the  midst  of  flying 
bullets,  and  taken  to  the  thirsty  men  on  the  firing-line. 
As  promptness  and  courage  had  saved  the  ammunition 
and  supplies,  so  gallant  exposure  during  the  darkness 
saved  the  water-supply. 

At  daylight  of  the  I2th  every  available  man  was  on 
the  line.  By  a  magnificent  feat,  executed  with  great 
spirit  by  Miller  and  Perry,  with  Otis's  howitzer,  the 
spring  of  water  was  captured  from  the  Indians  and 
brought  within  the  lines.  This  enabled  the  famished 
troops  on  the  firing-line  to  have  a  taste  of  coffee,  and 
consequent  new  life  and  energy.  The  artillery  battalion 
was  then  withdrawn  from  the  lines  and  held  as  a  reserve 
force  for  any  offensive  movement  that  might  become 
necessary. 

The  firing  was  rapid  throughout  the  day,  the  Indians 
from  time  to  time  threatening  to  force  the  weaker  parts 
of  the  line  and  fighting  at  very  close  range.  About  three 
P.M.  a  dust  appeared  in  the  distance,  toward  the  South, 
beyond  the  Indian  position.  This  proved  to  be  an  ap 
proaching  pack-train,  escorted  by  Captain  Jackson's 
company  of  cavalry.  The  artillery  battalion  under 
Captain  Miller  was  immediately  sent  out  to  meet  it, 
and  after  considerable  skirmishing,  brought  it  safely  in. 
Captain  Miller,  instead  of  returning  with  the  train  and 


160    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

reinforcements,  marched  slowly  by  the  right  flank  to 
ward  us,  and  when  crossing  the  Indian  line,  faced  to 
the  left  and  quickly  and  rapidly  moved  in  line  for  nearly 
a  mile  across  our  front,  and  repeatedly  charged  the  In 
dians'  positions. 

The  Indians  made  a  desperate  effort,  by  ferocious 
charges,  to  turn  his  left  flank;  this,  however,  failed  as 
Rodney's  reserve  company  in  the  rear  quickly  deployed 
and  flanked  the  flankers.  There  was  a  most  stubborn 
resistance  at  Joseph's  barricades  for  a  while,  when  sud 
denly  the  whole  Indian  line  gave  way,  and  the  Indians, 
closely  pursued,  rushed  down  the  canons  and  crossed 
the  south  fork  of  the  Clearwater. 

The  infantry  pressed  them  to  the  river  opposite  their 
main  camps  and  there  awaited  the  cavalry,  which 
slowly  worked  its  way  through  the  ravines,  over  rocks 
and  down  precipices  over  steep  and  craggy  trails.  The 
Indian  camp  was  taken,  after  the  Indians  had  hurriedly 
left  it,  and  were  fleeing  in  all  directions  up  the  heights 
and  going  to  the  left  of  Cottonwood  Creek.  The  Indian 
camp  so  hastily  abandoned  had  the  lodges  still  standing 
filled  with  blankets,  buffalo  robes,  cooking  utensils  and 
plunder  of  all  descriptions.  The  many  dead  and  wound 
ed  horses  in  the  camp  and  along  the  trails  leading  to  it 
indicated  the  great  damage  done  by  the  troops  in  this 
desperate  engagement. 

General  Howard  had  four  hundred  fighting  men  in 
this  two  days'  engagement,  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
only  thirteen  were  killed  and  twenty-two  wounded. 
The  Nez  Perces  fought  with  great  skill  and  obstinacy 
and  were  more  than  five  hundred  strong,  not  including 
the  squaws  or  women,  who  assisted  in  providing  spare 
horses,  and  doing  all  manner  of  things,  while  acting  as 
a  substantial  reserve. 


The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers    161 


III.  Letter  from  Maj.  H.  L,  Bailey,  United  States  Army, 
Regarding  the  Battle  of  the  Clearwater 

I  believe  our  present  excellent  Quartermaster-General, 
Gen.  Charles  F.  Humphrey,  got  his  Q.  M.  appointment 
and  later  a  brevet  for  gallant  services  in  the  battle  of 
Clearwater,  July  n  and  12,  1877,  in  the  Nez  Perces 
Indian  War.  He  was  a  first  lieutenant,  Fourth  Artillery 
at  the  time.  He  was  awarded  a  medal  of  honor  March  2, 
1897,  for  most  distinguished  gallantry  in  action  at  the 
Clearwater,  Idaho,  July  n,  1877,  where  he  voluntarily 
and  successfully  conducted,  in  the  face  of  a  wither 
ing  fire,  a  party  which  recovered  the  possession  of  an 
abandoned  howitzer  and  two  Gatling  guns  lying  be 
tween  the  lines  and  within  a  few  yards  of  the  Indians, 
while  serving  as  a  first  lieutenant,  Fourth  United  States 
Artillery. 

On  the  morning  of  the  I2th,  General  Humphrey  and 
myself  found  ourselves  apparently  the  only  officers  on 
the  outer  line  where  the  men  had  dug  a  line  of  detached 
holes  or  trenches  during  the  night.  We  were  very  thirsty 
and  hungry,  and  the  fire  from  the  Indians  having  slack 
ened  considerably,  in  their  preparations  for  some  new 
attacks  and  tricks,  we  insisted  on  each  other  going  back 
to  the  central  rendezvous  where  General  Howard  had 
his  headquarters  and  supplies,  to  get  water  or  coffee  and 
some  bacon.  Finally,  we  drew  cuts  and  I  won,  taking 
first  turn.  I  found  most  of  the  officers  at  the  head 
quarters. 

I  was  given  an  order  to  execute  upon  my  return  to  the 
long  section  of  line  where  Humphrey  and  I  had  met. 


1 62    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

I  relieved  him  and  then,  alone,  walked  along  the  lines 
some  hundreds  of  yards,  getting  the  men  placed  at  pro 
per  intervals  for  a  grand  or  general  charge  to  be  made 
later.  I  had  a  task,  as  you  may  imagine,  as  many  men 
would  run  back  to  the  holes  or  trenches  as  soon  as  I  had 
gone  a  few  rods  farther  along,  but  I  got  them  into  place. 
Away  to  the  left  I  found  Capt.  James  A.  Haughey, 
Twenty-first  Infantry,  and  Lieut.  F.  E.  Eltonhead, 
Twenty-first  Infantry  (now  both  deceased),  lying  flat 
behind  small  head  shelters  with  dusty  sweat  streaks 
down  their  faces,  dodging  bullets.  They  yelled  at  me 
to  "get  down"  as  I  was  "drawing  fire."  I  was  careless 
until  two  bullets  tipped  the  earth  between  their  heads 
and  my  ankles,  when  I  thought  it  fair  to  squat  till  I 
got  away  from  them  again.  I  left  to  them  the  arranging 
of  the  men  to  their  left  and  returned  to  where  I  had 
left  Humphrey. 

Later  the  final,  beautiful  charge  was  made,  full  of 
interesting  details,  for  which  I  have  not  now  space. 
Humphrey  was  as  cool  as  though  at  a  parade  or  drill. 
Col.  M.  P.  Miller  (then  Captain  Fourth  Artillery,  now 
Brigadier-General,  retired)  was  also  as  cool  under  fire 
as  though  taking  a  summer  stroll.  The  latter  was  also 
brevetted  for  gallant  service  in  this  battle.  When  he  took 
his  company  to  a  point  where  a  gap  in  our  line  permitted 
the  Indians  to  climb  up  the  river  bluff  and  enfilade  us, 
he  was  smoking  a  short  stem  pipe  which  good  luck  kept 
the  bullets  from  knocking  from  his  mouth. 

When  placed,  his  men  faced  so  that  their  backs  were 
toward  my  company  (B,  Twenty-first  Infantry).  It  was 
while  I  was  back  at  the  center  for  cartridges  and  hospital 
men  that  his  men  took  the  men  of  my  company  for 
Indians,  all  being  in  the  prone  position  in  rocky,  grassy 
ground,  and  as  I  was  returning  the  artillery  company 


The  Assembling  of  the  Soldiers    163 

and  the  infantry  company  were  bobbing  up  and  down 
firing  at  each  other  at  a  lively  rate. 

Lieut.  Peter  Leary,  Fourth  Artillery,  commissary 
officer,  rushed  out  with  a  carbine  flourishing  in  the  air, 
shouting:  "Packers  to  the  rescue,  packers  and  scouts  to 
the  rescue."  I  saw  and  knew  the  situation  at  a  glance, 
as  I  had  seen  Captain  Miller  lead  his  men  out,  and  I 
passed  Leary,  rushing  between  the  two  lines,  yelling: 
"Cease  firing,  you're  firing  into  your  own  men." 

The  trouble  was  quickly  ended,  though  at  least  one 
poor  man  (Winters  of  my  company)  always  believed 
his  dreadful  hip  wound  was  by  a  friendly  bullet.  This 
was  during  the  first  day  of  the  battle.  It  was  Captain 
Jocelyn  (now  Colonel- General  Staff,  and  I  hope  soon 
the  next  Brigadier-General),  who  got  General  Howard 
to  send  Captain  Miller  out  to  that  vital  part  of  our  lines. 


CHAPTER  TEN 

The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole  * 

By  G.  O.  Shields  (Coquina) 

BRAVE  old  General  Gibbon,  the  hero  of  South 
Mountain,  was  on  the  war-path.  On  receipt 
of  General  Howard's  despatch  that  the  Nez 
Perces  were  coming  his  way,  he  hastily  sum 
moned  Company  F,  of  his  regiment,  from  Fort  Benton, 
and  D  from  Camp  Baker,  to  move  with  all  possible  speed 
to  his  post.  Meantime,  he  gave  orders  that  Company  K 
and  every  man  that  could  be  spared  from  Fort  Shaw 
should  prepare  at  once  for  the  field.  When  Companies 
F  and  D  arrived  there,  he  took  the  field  at  their  head, 
with  the  troops  detailed  from  his  own  post,  and  moved 
rapidly  toward  Fort  Missoula,  crossing  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains  through  Cadotte's  Pass,  carrying  a  limited  supply 
of  provisions  on  pack-mules.  The  distance,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  over  a  rough  mountainous  country,  was 
covered  in  seven  days,  the  command  reaching  Fort 
Missoula  on  the  afternoon  of  August  3rd. 

On  the  4th,  with  his  command  reinforced  with  Cap 
tain  Rawn's  company,  and  Company  G  of  the  Seventh 

*This  vivid  and  dramatic  sketch  is  reprinted,  after  some  slight  abridgment,  from  the 
book  of  the  same  name  with  the  kind  permission  of  the  author,  and  Rand,  McNally 
&  Co.,  the  publishers.—  C.  T.  B. 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    165 

from  Fort  Ellis,  General  Gibbon  left  Fort  Missoula  in 
pursuit  of  the  Nez  Perces.  His  command  now  numbered 
seventeen  officers  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  men. 
A  wagon-train  was  taken  from  Missoula,  wherein  the 
men  were  allowed  to  ride  wherever  the  roads  were  good. 

General  Gibbon  moved  as  rapidly  as  his  means  of 
transportation  would  permit,  covering  thirty  to  thirty- 
five  miles  per  day.  In  his  march  through  the  valley  he 
was  joined  by  thirty-six  citizens.  Gibbon  ascertained 
that  he  was  covering  two  of  their  daily  marches  with  one 
of  his,  and  the  question  of  overtaking  them  became, 
therefore,  merely  one  of  time. 

When  the  command  reached  the  foot  of  the  mountains 
and  learned  that  the  Indians  had  already  crossed,  a 
number  of  the  citizens  became  discouraged  and  hesitated 
about  going  farther.  But  the  General,  appreciating  the 
importance  of  keeping  these  hardy  frontiersmen  with 
him,  besought  them  to  keep  on  a  few  days  longer. 

He  assured  them  that  he  was  in  earnest,  and  should 
strike  the  Indians  a  terrible  blow  as  soon  as  he  could 
overtake  them.  He  told  the  volunteers  that  they  should 
have  an  honorable  place  in  the  fight,  if  one  occurred; 
that  they  might  have  all  the  horses  that  could  be  cap 
tured,  save  enough  to  mount  his  command,  and  that, 
meantime,  his  men  would  divide  their  last  ration  with 
their  citizen  comrades.  This  announcement  created 
great  enthusiasm  among  the  soldiers  and  volunteers 
alike,  and  the  latter  at  once  decided  to  follow  their 
gallant  leader  until  the  Indians  should  be  overtaken,  no 
matter  where  or  when  that  might  be. 

Lieutenant  Bradley,  with  eight  men  of  the  Second 
Cavalry,  and  all  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  was  now 
ordered  to  push  on,  strike  the  Indian  camp  before  day 
light  the  next  morning,  if  possible,  stampede  the  stock 


1 66    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  run  it  off.  If  this  could  be  done,  and  the  Indians  set 
on  foot,  then  their  overwhelming  defeat  would  be  cer 
tain.  Lieut.  J.  W.  Jacobs  asked  and  obtained  permis 
sion  to  go  with  Bradley  and  share  in  the  hazardous 
undertaking.  This  detachment,  amounting,  all  told,  to 
sixty  men,  made  a  night  march  across  the  mountains, 
while  the  main  command  camped  at  the  foot  of  the 
divide  on  the  night  of  the  yth,  and  at  five  o'clock  the 
next  morning  resumed  the  march. 

The  road  up  the  mountain,  a  steep  and  difficult  one 
at  best,  was  seriously  obstructed  at  this  time  by  large 
quantities  of  down  timber  that  had  to  be  cut  out  or 
passed  around,  so  that  the  ascent  was  very  slow  and 
trying  to  men  and  beasts.  The  wagons  were  but  lightly 
loaded,  and  by  doubling  teams  and  using  all  the  men 
at  the  drag  ropes,  the  command  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  summit,  a  distance  of  three  miles,  in  six  hours,  and 
by  the  performance  of  such  labor  and  hardship  as  only 
those  can  realize  who  have  campaigned  in  a  mountain 
ous  country. 

From  the  summit  the  road  leads  down  a  gentle  incline 
for  a  mile,  when  it  reaches  the  head  of  Trail  Creek,  and 
follows  down  that  stream  a  distance  often  miles  into  the 
Big  Hole  basin.  It  crosses  the  creek  probably  fifty  times, 
and  the  banks  being  abrupt,  and  the  road  obstructed 
in  many  places  by  down  timber,  the  progress  of  the  com 
mand  was  extremely  slow  and  tedious. 

While  ascending  the  mountain  on  the  morning  of  the 
8th,  General  Gibbon  received  a  courier  from  Lieutenant 
Bradley,  with  a  despatch  stating  that,  owing  to  the 
difficult  nature  of  the  trail  and  the  distance  to  the  Indian 
camp,  he  had  been  unable  to  reach  it  before  daylight, 
and  that  the  Indians  had  broken  camp  and  moved  on. 
Later  in  the  day,  however,  another  courier  brought  news 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole     167 

that  they  had  again  gone  into  camp,  after  making  but 
a  short  march,  at  the  mouth  of  Trail  Creek,  and  that, 
not  deeming  it  safe  to  attack  in  daylight,  Bradley  had 
concealed  his  command  in  the  hills,  and  was  now  await 
ing  the  arrival  of  the  infantry. 

Upon  receipt  of  this  information,  Gibbon  took  his 
men  from  the  wagons  (leaving  twenty  men  to  guard  the 
train),  gave  each  man  ninety  rounds  of  ammunition  and 
one  day's  rations,  and  pushed  on  on  foot,  having  or 
dered  that  the  wagons  should  come  up  as  fast  as  possible. 
The  gallant  General  with  his  faithful  little  band  moved 
quietly  but  rapidly  forward,  but  owing  to  the  bad  condi 
tion  of  the  trail,  it  was  nearly  sundown  when  they 
reached  Bradley's  camp. 

Bradley  informed  his  chief  that  he  believed  the  In 
dians  intended  to  remain  in  their  camp  several  days,  for 
he  had  secretly  observed  their  movements  from  the  top 
of  a  neighboring  hill,  and  found  that  the  squaws  were 
engaged  in  cutting  and  peeling  lodge-poles  to  take  with 
them  for  use  on  the  treeless  plains  of  the  buffalo  country. 

On  arriving  at  Bradley' s  camp,  the  men  filed  into 
the  gulch,  ate  a  scanty  supper  of  hard-tack  and  raw  pork, 
and  without  camp-fires  or  blankets,  lay  down  to  rest. 
Having  conferred  with  Lieutenant  Bradley  and  his 
scouts  as  to  the  best  disposition  of  the  proposed  attack, 
General  Gibbon  ordered  his  adjutant  to  call  him  at  ten 
o'clock  at  night,  and  lying  down  under  the  spreading 
branches  of  a  pine-tree,  slept  as  peacefully  as  a  child. 

Lieutenants  Bradley  and  Jacobs  did  a  piece  of  re- 
connoitering  on  this  day  for  which  they  deserve  great 
credit.  Having  failed  to  reach  the  Indian  camp  during 
the  previous  night,  when  it  would  have  been  safe  to 
undertake  to  capture  or  stampede  the  pony  herd;  and 
knowing  it  would  be  rash  to  attempt  it  in  daylight,  it 


1 68    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

then  became  important  to  learn  the  exact  situation  of 
the  village,  in  order  that  the  commanding  General  might 
be  given  the  most  minute  information  concerning  it 
when  he  came  up. 

Having  secreted  his  command  in  the  woods,  there 
fore,  Bradley  sent  out  scouts  in  different  directions  with 
instructions  to  proceed  cautiously  and  stealthily  about 
the  valley  and  ascertain,  if  practicable,  the  actual  where 
abouts  of  the  Indians. 

In  about  two  hours  these  men  returned  and  reported 
numerous  fresh  signs  of  Indians  in  the  immediate  vicin 
ity,  while  one  of  them,  Corporal  Drummond  he  said,  had, 
standing  in  the  timber  some  distance  to  the  east,  heard 
voices  and  other  sounds  that  evidently  came  from  a 
busy  Indian  camp  near  by,  but,  fearing  he  might  give 
an  alarm,  he  had  not  gone  near  enough  to  the  camp  to 
see  it. 

Lieutenant  Jacobs  asked  Bradley  to  let  him  take 
Drummond,  return  to  the  spot  and  verify  such  impor 
tant  information.  Bradley  replied  that  they  would  both 
go,  and,  leaving  Sergeant  Wilson  in  charge  of  the  camp, 
both  officers  started  with  Drummond  on  foot. 

They  proceeded  with  the  greatest  caution  a  distance 
of  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  when  the  corporal  whispered 
to  Lieutenant  Bradley  that  they  were  near  the  place 
where  he  had  heard  the  voices.  They  were  surrounded 
by  a  thick  growth  of  small  pine-trees,  through  which 
it  was  impossible  to  see  to  any  distance.  Moving  slowly 
forward,  they  soon  heard  the  sound  of  axes,  and  in 
ferred  that  the  squaws  were  cutting  lodge-poles  in  the 
very  body  of  the  woods  they  were  then  in. 

Creeping  along  with  bated  breath,  on  the  alert  for 
every  sound  or  sign,  fearful  lest  they  should  make 
known  their  presence  to  the  Indians,  bring  on  a  skir- 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    169 

mish,  and  thus  avert  the  purpose  of  the  General,  they 
scarcely  dared  breathe. 

They  finally  caught  the  sound  of  voices  and  stopped. 
Here  the  officers  held  a  whispered  consultation  which 
resulted  in  their  crawling  ahead  to  a  larger  tree  that 
stood  about  eighty  paces  in  front  of  them.  Still  they 
could  see  nothing  of  the  camp,  although  the  sounds  came 
plainer,  and  all  were  impressed  with  the  knowledge  that 
they  were  treading  on  the  very  crest  of  a  volcano,  as  it 
were.  Jacobs  suggested  that  they  climb  the  tree,  arguing 
that  as  it  was  taller  than  those  about  it,  they  might  be 
able  to  see  something  interesting  from  its  top. 

To  this  Bradley  readily  assented,  and  leaving  their 
rifles  with  the  corporal  and  cautioning  him  to  keep  a 
sharp  lookout  for  any  possible  intruders,  both  officers 
climbed  cautiously  and  stealthily  into  the  topmost 
branches  of  the  pine-tree.  When  they  had  gained  this 
position,  they  halted  for  a  moment  in  a  crouching  pos 
ture,  and  then,  cautiously  straightening  themselves  up, 
found  that  they  were  well  above  the  surrounding  foliage, 
and  were  thrilled  at  seeing  hundreds  of  Indian  horses 
quietly  grazing  in  a  prairie  almost  beneath  them,  for 
the  tree  stood  on  top  of  a  high  hill. 

Several  herders  sat  on  their  ponies  in  and  about  the 
herd,  while  others  lounged  lazily  on  the  ground  under 
the  shade  of  neighboring  trees.  A  few  hundred  yards 
beyond,  they  saw  the  Indian  camp  where  hundreds  of 
warriors  were  resting  and  chatting,  while  squaws  were 
pitching  tents,  making  beds,  carrying  in  poles,  and  cook 
ing  the  noon-day  meal. 

A  brief  look  was  all  these  brave  officers  dared  risk, 
for  they  feared  detection,  and  hastily  lowering  them 
selves  to  the  ground,  they  lost  no  time  in  regaining  their 
own  camp. 


170    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    171 

A  brief  despatch  was  sent  off  to  the  General,  the  re 
ceipt  of  which  by  him  has  already  been  referred  to, 
advising  him  of  their  discovery,  and  the  remainder  of 
the  day  was  spent  in  impatient  awaiting  his  arrival. 

At  ten  o'clock  at  night  the  officer  of  the  guard  spoke 
to  the  General  in  a  whisper,  and  he  arose  with  the 
alacrity  of  a  youth  who  goes  forth  to  the  sports  of  a 
holiday.  The  men  were  called  at  once,  and  in  whispered 
orders  the  line  of  march  was  speedily  formed.  All  were 
instructed  to  preserve  the  most  profound  silence  from 
that  moment  until  the  signal  should  be  given  to  open 
fire  on  the  enemy,  and,  under  the  guidance  of  Joe  Blodgett 
and  Lieutenant  Bradley,  the  little  band  filed  silently 
down  the  winding  trail,  threading  its  way,  now  through 
dark  groves  of  pine  or  fir;  now  through  jungles  of  under 
brush;  now  over  rocky  points;  frequently  wading  the 
cold  mountain  brook,  waist  deep,  and  tramping  through 
oozy  marshes  of  saw-grass;  speaking  only  in  whispers; 
their  rifles  loaded,  eyes  peering  into  the  starlit  night, 
and  ears  strained  to  catch  the  slightest  sound  that  might 
indicate  the  hiding-place  of  any  lurking  foe  who  might 
perchance  be  on  an  outpost  to  announce  to  his  followers 
the  approach  of  danger. 

Five  miles  were  thus  stealthily  marched  without  giving 
an  alarm.  Then  the  valley  in  which  the  troops  had  been 
moving  opened  out  into  what  is  known  as  the  Big  Hole, 
that  is,  the  valley  of  the  Big  Hole  River.  This  is  a  beauti 
ful  prairie  basin,  fifteen  miles  wide,  and  sixty  miles  long, 
covered  with  rich  bunch-grass  and  surrounded  by  high 
mountains.  In  the  edge  of  this  valley  the  soldiers  saw 
the  smoldering  camp-fires  of  the  enemy;  heard  the  bay 
ing  of  his  hungry  dogs  responding  to  the  howls  of  the 
prowling  coyotes,  and  saw,  by  the  flickering  lights,  the 
smoky  lodges  of  the  warriors.  The  men  crept  up  to 


172    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  slumbering  camp, 
when  they  again  crossed  the  creek  down  which  they  had 
been  marching,  and  ascended  its  eastern  bluff.  Here 
they  encountered  a  large  herd  of  ponies,  some  of  whom 
neighed  anxiously  as  the  strange  apparition  filed  past 
them,  but  luckily  did  not  stampede. 

Down  the  side  of  this  steep  bluff,  thickly  overgrown 
with  sage-brush,  mountain  laurel  and  jack  pines;  over 
rocks  and  through  break-neck  ravines  and  washouts, 
the  soldiers  and  citizens  picked  their  way  with  all  the 
skill  and  adroitness  of  trained  hunters,  until  at  last  they 
reached  a  position  overlooking  the  Indian  camp,  and 
within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  nearest  tepees. 
The  camp  was  pitched  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Wisdom 
or  Big  Hole  River,  which  is  formed  by  the  confluence 
here  of  Trail  and  Ruby  Creeks.  It  was  in  an  open 
meadow,  in  a  bend  of  the  river,  and  was  partially  sur 
rounded  by  dense  thickets  of  willows.  There  were  eighty- 
nine  lodges  pitched  in  the  form  of  a  V,  with  the  angle  up 
the  stream,  and  below  the  camp  four  hundred  or  five 
hundred  ponies  grazed  peacefully,  tethered  to  stakes 
and  willows.  The  Indians  had  evidently  secured  them 
there  in  order  to  be  prepared,  ready  for  any  emergency. 
The  command  halted  here,  and  lay  down  to  await  the 
coming  of  daylight,  but  not  to  sleep. 

It  was  now  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  men 
suffered  with  cold,  for  even  the  summer  nights  are  cold 
in  these  mountains,  and  they  had  neither  overcoats  nor 
blankets,  having  left  all  these  with  the  wagons.  The 
smoldering  camp-fires  flickered  fitfully  in  the  pale  star 
light,  and  the  smoky  lodges  of  the  savages  presented  a 
most  fantastic  picture,  as  the  dying  lights  blazed  with 
ever-changing  weirdness  upon  them.  Eagerly  the  soldiers 
watched  the  scene,  and  with  bated  breath  thought  of  the 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole     173 

awful  tragedy  that  the  rising  sun  would  look  upon  in 
that  now  peaceful  valley. 

"They  have  no  idea  of  our  presence,"  said  Bostwick, 
the  half-breed  scout.  "After  a  while  you  will  see  some 
fires  built  up  if  we  remain  undiscovered." 

Sure  enough,  in  the  course  of  an  hour  squaws  began 
to  come  forth  from  their  lodges,  and  replenish  their 
waning  fires. 

As  these  blazed  up  they  stood  about  them,  jabbered, 
turned,  and  warmed  themselves,  yawned,  and  then  one 
by  one  returned  to  their  skin  couches  and  betook  them 
selves  again  to  sleep.  And  again  the  soldiers  and  their 
citizen  allies  were  left  to  meditate,  and  in  whispers  to 
commune  with  each  other. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  see  to  move  advan 
tageously  the  little  army  was  again  astir;  but  its  move 
ments  were  yet  as  silent  as  the  grave.  Under  whispered 
orders  and  with  stealthy  tread  Sanno's  and  Comba's 
companies,  deployed  as  skirmishers,  descended  the 
bluff  into  the  valley,  groped  their  way  through  the  wil 
low  thickets,  waded  the  icy  river,  the  water  coming 
nearly  to  their  armpits.  Logan,  Williams  and  Rawn, 
with  their  companies,  were  sent  to  the  extreme  right 
to  cross  and  attack  the  camp  near  Ruby  Creek,  while 
Lieutenant  Bradley,  with  his  handful  of  soldiers  and 
citizen  scouts,  was  sent  down  the  stream  with  orders  to 
cross  and  strike  the  camp  lower  down. 

As  the  light  increased  the  troops  were  advancing 
cautiously,  when  an  Indian,  who  had  crawled  out  of 
his  lodge  and  mounted  a  horse,  rode  out  of  the  willows 
directly  in  front  of  Bradley' s  men  and  within  a  few  feet 
of  them.  He  was  en  route  to  the  pony  herd  on  the  hill 
side  above,  and  so  quietly  had  the  advance  been  made 
that  even  he  had  not  heard  or  seen  the  men,  and  was 


174    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

within  a  few  feet  of  them  when  he  emerged  from  the 
thicket  of  willows.  He  and  his  horse  were  instantly 
shot  down. 

The  order  had  been  given : 

"When  the  first  shot  is  fired  charge  the  camp  with 
the  whole  line." 

And  most  eagerly  was  this  order  obeyed.  Volleys  were 
fired  into  the  tepees,  and  with  an  eager  yell  the  whole 
line  swept  wildly  into  the  midst  of  the  slumbering  camp. 
The  surprise  was  complete.  The  Indians  rushed  from 
their  lodges  panic-stricken  by  the  suddenness  and 
ferocity  of  the  attack.  They  ran  for  the  river-banks  and 
thickets.  Squaws  yelled,  children  screamed,  dogs  barked, 
horses  neighed,  snorted,  and  many  of  them  broke  their 
fetters  and  fled. 

Even  the  warriors,  usually  so  stoical,  and  who  always 
like  to  appear  incapable  of  fear  or  excitement,  were,  for 
the  time  being,  wild  and  panic-stricken  like  the  rest. 
Some  of  them  fled  from  the  tents  at  first  without  their 
guns  and  had  to  return  later,  under  a  galling  fire,  and 
get  them.  Some  of  those  who  had  presence  of  mind 
enough  left  to  seize  their  weapons  were  too  badly  fright 
ened  to  use  them  at  first  and  stampeded,  like  a  flock  of 
sheep,  to  the  brush. 

The  soldiers,  although  the  scene  was  an  intensely  ex 
citing  one,  were  cool,  self-reliant  and  shot  to  kill.  Many 
an  Indian  was  cut  down  at  such  short  range  that  his  flesh 
and  clothing  were  burned  by  the  powder  from  their 
rifles.  Comba  and  Sanno  first  struck  the  camp  at  the 
apex  of  the  V,  and  delivered  a  melting  fire  on  the  In 
dians  as  they  poured  from  the  tepees.  For  a  few  minutes 
no  effective  fire  was  returned,  but  soon  the  Indians  re 
covered  in  a  measure  from  their  surprise  and,  getting 
into  safe  cover  behind  the  river-banks,  and  in  some  cases 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    175 

in  even  the  very  bed  of  the  stream,  opened  fire  on  the 
soldiers,  who  were  now  in  the  open  ground,  with  terrible 
effect. 

The  fire  was  especially  destructive  on  the  right  or 
upper  end  of  the  line  where  the  river  made  a  short  bend. 
As  Logan,  with  a  valor  equal  to  that  of  his  illustrious 
namesake,  swept  forward,  he  and  his  men  found  them 
selves  directly  at  the  backs  of  the  Indians  hidden  in  this 
bend,  who  now  turned  and  cut  them  down  with  fearful 
rapidity.  It  was  here  that  the  greatest  slaughter  of  that 
day  took  place.  Logan  himself  fell,  shot  through  the 
head,  and  at  sight  of  their  leader's  corpse  his  men  were 
desperate.  Regardless  of  their  own  safety,  they  rushed 
to  the  river-bank  and  brained  the  savages  in  hand-to- 
hand  encounters,  both  whites  and  Indians  in  some  cases 
falling  dead  or  wounded  into  the  stream  and  being 
swept  away  by  its  current. 

In  twenty  minutes  from  the  time  the  first  shot  was 
fired  the  troops  had  complete  possession  of  the  camp, 
and  orders  were  given  to  destroy  it.  The  torch  was  ap 
plied  with  a  will,  and  some  of  the  canvas  lodges  with 
the  plunder  in  them  destroyed,  but  the  heavy  dew  had 
so  dampened  them  that  they  burned  slowly,  and  the 
destruction  was  not  as  complete  as  the  men  wished  to 
make  it.  Many  of  the  lodges  were  made  of  skins,  and 
these  would  not  burn  at  all. 

Though  the  Indians  were  driven  from  their  camp 
they  were  not  yet  defeated.  Joseph's  voice  and  that  of 
his  lieutenants,  White  Bird  and  Looking  Glass,  were 
heard  above  the  din  of  the  battle,  rallying  their  warriors 
and  cheering  them  on  to  deeds  of  valor. 

"Why  are  we  retreating  ?"  shouted  White  Bird. 
"Since  the  world  was  made,  brave  men  have  fought 
for  their  women  and  children.  Shall  we  run  into  the 


176    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

mountains  and  let  these  white  dogs  kill  our  women  and 
children  before  our  eyes  ?  It  is  better  that  we  should  be 
killed  fighting.  Now  is  our  time  to  fight.  These  soldiers 
cannot  fight  harder  than  the  ones  we  defeated  on  Salm 
on  River  and  White  Bird  Canon.  Fight !  Shoot  them 
down !  We  can  shoot  as  well  as  any  of  these  soldiers." 

Looking  Glass  was  at  the  other  end  of  the  camp.  His 
voice  was  heard  calling  out: 

"  Wal-lit-ze  !  Tap-sis-il-pilp  !  Um-til-ilp-cown  !  This  is 
battle  !  These  men  are  not  asleep  as  those  you  murdered 
in  Idaho.  These  soldiers  mean  battle.  You  tried  to  break 
my  promise  at  Lo-lo.  You  wanted  to  fire  at  the  fortified 
place.  Now  is  the  time  to  show  your  courage  and  fight. 
You  can  kill  right  and  left.  I  would  rather  see  you  killed 
than  the  rest,  for  you  commenced  the  war.  It  was  you 
who  murdered  the  settlers  in  Idaho.  Now  fight !" 

Thus  praised  and  railed  at  by  turns,  the  men  recov 
ered  their  presence  of  mind  and  charged  back  into  the 
camp.  The  fighting  was  now  muzzle  to  breast.  This 
deadly  encounter  lasted  for  some  minutes  more,  when 
the  Indians  again  took  to  the  river-bank  and  delivered 
their  fire  with  great  precision  and  deadliness  on  the 
troops  in  open  ground. 

In  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  Tap-sis-il-pilp  was  killed. 
Wal-lit-ze,  upon  being  told  of  his  companion's  death, 
rushed  madly  upon  a  group  of  soldiers  and  was  shot 
dead  in  his  tracks.  Thus  did  two  of  the  three  murderers, 
who  were  said  to  have  brought  on  the  war,  pay  the 
penalty  of  their  crimes  with  their  own  blood.  The  im 
plied  wish  of  their  chief  that  they  might  be  killed  was 
realized. 

Before  these  two  men  were  killed,  so  says  a  surviving 
Nez  Perce,  an  almost  hand-to-hand  fight  occurred  be 
tween  an  officer  and  an  Indian, 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    177 

The  Indian  was  killed.  His  sister  saw  him  fall,  and 
springing  to  his  side,  wrenched  the  still  smoking  revolver 
from  his  hand,  leveled  it  at  the  officer  and  shot  him 
through  the  head.  The  Indian  who  described  the  event 
did  not  know  who  the  officer  was,  but  every  soldier  in 
the  Seventh  Infantry  knows  and  mourns  the  squaw's 
victim  as  the  gallant  Captain  Logan.  Another  Indian, 
named  "Grizzly  Bear  Youth,"  relates  a  hand-to-hand 
fight  with  a  citizen  volunteer  in  these  words: 

"  When  I  was  following  the  soldiers  through  the  brush, 
trying  to  kill  as  many  of  them  as  possible,  a  big,  ugly 
ranchman  turned  around  swearing  and  made  for  me. 
He  was  either  out  of  cartridges  or  afraid  to  take  time  to 
load  his  needle  gun,  for  he  swung  it  over  his  head  by  the 
barrel  and  rushed  at  me  to  strike  with  the  butt  end.  I 
did  the  same.  We  both  struck  at  once  and  each  received 
a  blow  on  the  head.  The  volunteer's  gun  put  a  brand  on 
my  forehead  that  will  be  seen  as  long  as  I  live.  My  blow 
on  his  head  made  him  fall  on  his  back.  I  jumped  on 
him  and  tried  to  hold  him  down.  He  was  a  powerful 
man.  He  turned  me  and  got  on  top.  He  got  his  hand  on 
my  throat  and  commenced  choking  me. 

"All  turned  dark  and  I  was  nearly  gone.  Just  then  a 
warrior  came  up.  This  was  Red  Owl's  son.  He  ran  up, 
put  his  gun  to  the  volunteer's  side  and  fired.  The  ball 
passed  through  the  man  and  killed  him.  I  had  my  arm 
around  the  waist  of  the  man  when  the  shot  was  fired, 
and  the  ball,  after  going  through  the  volunteer,  broke 
my  arm." 

Some  of  the  Indians  had,  at  the  first  alarm,  mounted 
their  horses,  and  rode  rapidly  to  the  hills  on  either  side 
and  to  depressions  in  the  open  prairies  of  the  valley. 
From  these  positions,  as  well  as  from  the  thickets  and 
river-banks,  now  came  a  most  galling  fire,  which  the 


178    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

soldiers  were  kept  busy  replying  to.  Although  much  of 
this  shooting  was  at  long  range  it  was  very  deadly,  and 
at  almost  every  crack  of  their  rifles  a  soldier,  an  officer, 
or  a  scout  fell.  General  Gibbon,  Lieutenant  Woodruff, 
and  both  their  horses  were  wounded  by  these  sharp 
shooters. 

Gibbon  formed  his  troops  in  two  lines  back-to-back, 
and  charged  through  the  brush  in  opposite  directions 
for  the  purpose  of  driving  out  the  Indians  who  remained 
there,  but  they  simply  retreated  farther  into  the  jungle, 
ran  by  the  flanks  of  the  assaulting  parties,  and  kept  up 
their  fire  at  short  range.  In  this  part  of  the  action  Lieu 
tenant  Coolidge  was  shot  through  both  thighs.  Lieuten 
ant  Hardin  and  Sergeant  Rogan  carried  him  into  a 
sheltered  spot  near  where  the  body  of  Captain  Logan 
lay. 

By  this  time  Coolidge  had  recovered  from  the  shock 
of  his  wounds  sufficiently  to  be  able  to  walk,  and,  al 
though  weak  from  the  loss  of  blood,  picked  up  a  rifle 
that  had  belonged  to  a  fallen  comrade  and  again  took 
his  place  at  the  head  of  his  company.  While  in  this 
enfeebled  condition  he  attempted  to  wade  the  river,  but 
getting  into  water  beyond  his  depth  was  compelled  to 
throw  away  his  rifle  and  swim.  His  failing  strength  now 
compelled  him  to  seek  shelter  and  lie  down. 

It  soon  became  evident  to  General  Gibbon  that  it 
would  be  unwise  to  hold  his  position  on  the  river  bottom, 
where  there  was  no  adequate  cover  for  his  men,  and  he 
reluctantly  ordered  them  to  fall  back  up  the  hill  and 
take  cover  in  the  mouth  of  a  gulch  since  known  as 
"Battle  Gulch."  They  withdrew  through  the  willow 
thickets  to  a  position  under  the  hill,  gallantly  carrying 
their  wounded  comrades  with  them,  and  then  made  a 
push  for  the  timber.  It  was  held  by  about  twenty  of  the 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    179 

Indian  sharpshooters,  who  were  killed  or  driven  from 
it  only  at  the  muzzles  of  the  soldiers'  rifles.  On  the  ap 
proach  of  the  troops  these  Indians  took  shelter  in  a 
shallow  washout,  not  more  than  a  foot  deep  and  two  or 
three  feet  wide.  Some  of  them  were  behind  trees  which 
stood  beside  this  trench. 

One  had  a  few  large  rocks  piled  about  the  roots  of  his 
tree,  and  from  a  loophole  through  these  he  picked  off 
man  after  man,  himself  secure  from  the  many  shots 
aimed  at  him  at  short  range  by  the  soldiers.  Finally, 
however,  a  soldier,  who  was  an  expert  marksman  and 
cool  as  a  veteran,  took  a  careful  aim  and  sent  a  bullet 
into  this  loophole  which  struck  the  rock  on  one  side, 
glanced  and  entered  the  Indian's  eye,  passing  out  at 
the  back  of  his  head  —  a  veritable  carom  shot.  This  tree 
was  girdled  with  bullets,  and  the  plucky  Indian  who  lay 
behind  it  is  said  to  have  killed  five  of  the  soldiers  before 
the  fatal  missile  searched  him  out. 

While  the  main  body  of  troops  were  clearing  out  this 
clump  of  woods,  the  valiant  band  of  regulars  and 
volunteers,  who  had  been  sent  down  the  river  under 
Lieutenant  Bradley  to  strike  the  lower  end  of  the  camp, 
now  turned  and  fought  their  way  up  through  it;  through 
the  willow  thickets;  through  the  sloughs  and  bayous; 
through  the  windings  of  the  river;  killing  an  Indian  and 
losing  a  man  at  every  turn,  and  finally  joined  the  com 
mand  in  the  woods. 

But  the  gallant  young  leader  of  the  band  was  not 
there.  He  had  fallen  early  in  the  fight;  in  fact,  the  first 
white  man  killed.  He  was  leading  the  left  wing  of  the 
army  in  its  assault  on  the  camp.  General  Gibbon  had 
cautioned  him  to  exercise  great  care  going  into  the  brush 
at  that  point,  and  told  him  to  keep  under  cover  of  the 
brush  and  river-bank  as  much  as  possible,  but  the 


180   Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

brave  young  man  knew  no  fear  and  bade  his  men  follow 
him.  One  of  them  called  to  him  just  as  he  was  entering 
a  thicket  where  a  party  of  Indians  were  believed  to  be 
lurking,  and  said: 

"Hold  on,  Lieutenant;  don't  go  in  there;  it's  sure 
death." 

But  he  pressed  on,  regardless  of  his  own  safety,  and 
just  as  he  reached  the  edge  of  the  brush  an  Indian 
raised  up  within  a  few  feet  of  him  and  fired,  killing  him 
instantly. 

The  Indian  was  immediately  riddled  with  bullets, 
and  then  the  men  charged  madly  into  and  through  the 
brush,  dealing  death  to  every  Indian  who  came  in  their 
way,  and  the  blood  of  many  a  redskin  crimsoned  the 
sod,  whose  life  counted  against  that  of  this  gallant 
young  officer.  Thus  he,  who  had  led  the  night  march 
over  the  mountains;  who  had  by  day,  with  his  comrade, 
crawled  up,  located  and  reconnoitered  the  Indian  camp, 
and  sent  the  news  of  his  discovery  to  his  chief;  who  had 
on  the  following  night  aided  that  chief  so  signally  in 
moving  his  command  to  the  field  and  in  planning  the 
attack;  who  had  gallantly  led  one  wing  of  the  little  army 
in  that  fierce  charge  through  the  jungle  and  into  the 
hostile  camp,  had  laid  down  his  noble  life,  and  his  com 
rades  mourned  him  as  a  model  officer,  a  good  friend,  a 
brave  soldier. 

Soon  after  the  assault  was  made  on  the  camp  a 
squad  of  mounted  warriors  was  sent  to  round  up  the 
large  herd  of  horses,  some  fifteen  hundred  in  number,  on 
the  hillside,  half  a  mile  away,  and  drive  them  down  the 
river.  General  Gibbon  saw  this  movement  and  sent  a 
small  party  of  citizen  scouts  to  turn  the  horses  his  way 
and  drive  the  herders  off.  A  sharp  skirmish  ensued  be 
tween  the  two  parties,  in  which  several  whites  and  In- 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    181 

dians  were  wounded,  but  the  Indians  being  mounted 
and  the  citizens  on  foot,  the  former  succeeded  in  round 
ing  up  the  herd  and  driving  it  down  the  river  beyond 
the  reach  of  Gibbon's  men. 

During  the  progress  of  the  fight  among  the  tepees, 
the  squaws  and  young  boys  seized  the  weapons  of  slain 
warriors,  and  from  their  hiding-places  in  the  brush 
fought  with, the  desperation  of  fiends.  Several  instances 
are  related  by  survivors  of  the  fight,  in  which  the  she 
devils  met  soldiers  or  scouts  face  to  face,  and,  thrusting 
their  rifles  almost  into  the  faces  of  the  white  men,  fired 
point  blank  at  them.  Several  of  our  men  are  known  to 
have  been  killed  by  the  squaws,  and  several  of  the  latter 
were  shot  down  in  retaliation  by  the  enraged  soldiers 
or  citizens. 

A  scout  who  was  with  Bradley  states  that,  while  they 
were  fighting  their  way  up  through  the  willows,  he 
passed  three  squaws  who  were  hidden  in  a  clump  of 
brush.  Knowing  their  bloodthirsty  nature,  and  that 
several  of  his  comrades  had  already  been  killed  by 
this  class  of  enemies,  he  was  tempted  to  kill  them,  but 
as  they  seemed  to  be  unarmed  and  made  no  show  of 
resistance,  he  spared  them  and  passed  on. 

Two  days  later,  however,  while  out  with  a  burial 
party,  he  found  these  same  three  squaws  all  dead  in 
their  hiding-place.  One  of  them  now  had  a  Henry  rifle 
in  her  hands,  and  beside  another  lay  a  revolver  with 
five  empty  shells  in  the  cylinder.  He  thought  they  had 
recovered  the  weapons  from  slain  bucks  after  he  passed 
and,  opening  fire  on  some  soldier  or  scout,  had  met  the 
fate  to  which  their  conduct  had  justly  subjected  them. 

All  through  the  fierce  struggle  on  the  river  bottom, 
officers  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  their  men; 
some  of  them  with  their  own  rifles,  some  with  rifles 


1 82    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

recovered  from  killed  or  wounded  comrades,  and  some 
with  revolvers.  Even  General  Gibbon  himself  —  who, 
by  the  way,  is  an  expert  rifle  shot  —  from  his  position  on 
the  bluff,  devoted  all  his  spare  moments  to  using  his 
hunting-rifle  on  the  skulking  redskins,  and  more  than 
one  of  them  is  said  to  have  fallen  victim  to  his  deadly 
aim. 

Lieut.  C.  A.  Woodruff,  his  adjutant,  dealt  shot  after 
shot  into  the  foe,  as  he  rode  from  point  to  point, 
carrying  the  orders  of  his  chief.  Captains  Comba,  Wil 
liams,  Browning,  and  Sanno  used  their  Springfields 
with  telling  effect  and  put  many  a  bullet  where  it  would 
do  the  most  good.  Lieutenant  Jacobs  was  as  swift  as  an 
eagle  in  search  of  his  prey,  and,  with  a  revolver  in  each 
hand,  dashed  hither  and  thither  hunting  out  the  mur 
derers  from  their  hiding-places  and  shooting  them  down 
like  dogs. 

Lieutenants  Jackson,  Wright,  English,  Van  Orsdale, 
Harden,  and  Woodbridge  were  all  at  their  posts,  and 
none  of  them  lost  an  opportunity  to  put  in  a  telling 
shot.  Lieut.  Francis  Woodbridge  was  the  youngest  offi 
cer  in  the  command,  then  a  mere  boy  but  a  few  months 
from  West  Point,  yet  he  was  as  cool  as  any  of  the  vet 
erans  and  displayed  soldierly  qualities  that  endeared 
him  to  every  one  who  participated  in  that  day's  work. 

Captain  Rawn  was  at  all  times  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fight,  and  was  admired  alike  by  officers  and  men  for  the 
alacrity  with  which  he  shared  in  every  danger.  His  con 
duct  in  that  fight  gave  the  lie  to  the  carpers  who  had 
accused  him  of  cowardice  in  the  affair  in  Lo-lo  Canon. 
In  short,  every  officer,  every  enlisted  man,  and  every 
citizen  volunteer,  fought  as  though  the  responsibility  of 
the  battle  rested  solely  with  him,  and  all  acquitted  them 
selves  most  nobly. 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    183 

As  soon  as  the  command  abandoned  the  camp,  the 
Indians  reoccupied  it,  and  under  the  fire  of  the  sharp 
shooters,  hauled  down  several  of  their  tepees;  hastily 
bundled  together  the  greater  portion  of  their  plunder; 
packed  a  number  of  horses  with  it,  and,  mounting  their 
riding  ponies,  the  squaws  and  children  beat  a  hasty 
retreat  down  the  valley,  driving  the  herd  of  loose  horses 
with  them.  They  had  hot  work  breaking  camp,  and 
several  of  them  and  their  horses  were  killed  while  thus 
engaged.  Two  of  Joseph's  wives  and  a  daughter  of 
Looking  Glass  were  among  the  slain,  who  were  believed 
to  have  been  killed  at  this  time. 

When  the  command  retired  into  the  timber,  the  In 
dians  followed  and  surrounded  them,  taking  cover  along 
the  river-banks  below,  and  behind  rocks  and  trees  on 
the  hillsides  above.  The  men  dug  rifle-pits  with  their 
trowel  bayonets  and  piled  up  rocks  to  protect  themselves 
as  best  they  could,  and  a  sharpshooting  fight  was  kept 
up  from  this  position  all  day.  At  times  the  Indians'  fire 
was  close  and  destructive,  and  here  Lieutenant  English 
received  a  mortal  wound.  Captain  Williams  was  struck 
a  second  time,  and  a  number  of  men  killed  and  wounded. 

Two  large  pine-trees  stand  on  the  open  hillside  some 
four  hundred  yards  from  the  mouth  of  the  gulch.  Behind 
one  of  these  an  Indian  took  cover  early  in  the  morning, 
and  stayed  there  until  late  in  the  afternoon.  He  proved  to 
be  an  excellent  long-range  shot,  and  harassed  the  troops 
sorely  by  his  fire  until  a  soldier,  who  had  crawled  up  the 
gulch  some  distance  above  the  main  body,  and  who  was 
equally  expert  in  the  use  of  his  rifle,  got  a  cross-fire  on 
him  and  finally  drove  him  out.  He  went  down  the  hill  on 
a  run  and  took  refuge  in  the  willows,  but  with  one  arm 
dangling  at  his  side  in  a  way  that  left  no  doubt  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  saw  him  that  it  was  broken. 


184    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

A  large  number  of  Indians  crawled  up  as  close  to  the 
troops  as  they  dared,  and  the  voices  of  the  leaders  could 
be  heard  urging  their  companions  to  push  on.  A  half- 
breed  in  the  camp,  familiar  with  the  Nez  Perce  tongue, 
heard  White  Bird  encouraging  his  men  and  urging  them 
to  charge,  assuring  them  that  the  white  soldiers'  am 
munition  was  nearly  gone.  But  he  was  unable  to  raise 
their  courage  to  the  desired  point,  and  no  assault  was 
made.  The  troops  held  their  ground  nobly,  wasting  no 
ammunition,  and  yet  returning  the  fire  of  the  savages 
with  coolness,  accuracy,  and  regularity;  and  from  the 
number  of  dead  Indians  and  pools  of  blood  found  on  the 
hillside  the  next  day,  learned  that  their  work  here  had 
not  been  in  vain. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  8th  the  wagon-train  and 
howitzer  had  been  brought  down  to  within  five  miles  of 
the  Indian  camp,  parked,  and  fortified  by  Hugh  Kirk- 
endall,  the  citizen  wagonmaster  in  charge,  aided  by  the 
few  men  who  had  been  left  with  him  as  train-guard. 

An  amusing  incident  occurred  that  night,  and  yet  one 
that  came  near  costing  Kirkendall  his  life.  Among  the 
men  left  with  the  train  was  William  Woodcuck,  Lieu 
tenant  Jacob's  servant.  He  was  armed  with  a  double- 
.  barreled  shot-gun  and  ordered  to  take  his  turn  on  guard. 

During  the  still  hours  of  the  night  the  wagonmaster 
was  making  the  "rounds"  to  see  if  the  men  were  en  the 
alert.  As  he  approached  William's  post  the  latter  called 
out  to  him  to  halt;  and  without  waiting  to  learn  whether 
his  challenge  had  been  heeded,  blazed  away  at  the  in 
truder,  whom  he  took  to  be  a  prowling  redskin.  The 
charge  of  buck-shot  tore  up  the  ground  and  cut  down  the 
brush  about  the  wagonmaster,  but  fortunately  none  of 
them  hit  him.  William  showed  himself  to  be  a  vigilant 
sentry,  but  a  poor  shot,  and  it  is  supposed  that  he  will 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    185 

never  hear  the  last  of  "Who  goes  there?  —  bang!" 
while  there  is  a  survivor  of  the  expedition. 

At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  three  non 
commissioned  officers  and  three  men  started  to  the 
front  with  the  howitzer  under  the  direction  of  Joe 
Blodgett,  the  scout.  They  succeeded  in  getting  it  up  to 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  scene  of  action  a  little  after 
sunrise.  They  took  it  across  Trail  Creek  and  up  on  the 
bluff,  where  they  were  in  the  act  of  putting  it  in  position 
to  open  fire,  when  a  body  of  about  thirty  mounted  In 
dians  saw  it,  and  ascertaining  that  only  a  few  men  were 
with  it  charged  with  the  intention  of  capturing  it.  Two 
of  the  soldiers  who  were  with  the  piece  became  panic- 
stricken  and  fled  when  they  saw  the  Indians  coming, 
and  did  not  stop  until  they  reached  the  settlement  a 
hundred  miles  away,  where  they  spread  the  news  that 
Gibbon's  whole  command  had  been  captured  and  mass 
acred.  So  far  as  is  known,  this  is  the  only  instance  in 
which  cowardice  was  shown  by  any  man  in  the  command. 

The  remaining  four  men  stood  bravely  by  the  gun, 
however,  loaded  and  fired  it  twice  at  the  assaulting 
party,  and  then,  as  the  Indians  closed  around  it,  used 
their  rifles  on  them.  When  they  saw  that  they  could  not 
successfully  defend  the  piece,  they  threw  it  off  the 
trunnion  and  retreated.  Corporal  Sayles  was  killed  and 
Sergeants  Daily  and  Fredericks  wounded  at  their  posts. 
The  horses  that  were  hauling  the  piece  were  both  shot 
down.  Private  Bennett,  the  driver,  was  caught  under  one 
of  them  in  its  fall,  and  pretended  to  be  dead  until  the 
Indians  withdrew,  when  he  took  out  his  knife,  cut  the 
harness,  and  then  prodding  the  animal,  which  was  still 
alive,  made  it  move  sufficiently  to  release  him,  and  he  re 
treated  and  reached  the  wagon-train,  where  Sergeants 
Daily  and  Fredericks  also  arrived  later  in  the  day. 


1 86    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  Indians,  finding  the  howitzer  useless  to  them 
selves,  took  the  wheels  off  the  trunnion,  hid  them  in  the 
brush,  and,  taking  a  pack-mule  that  had  been  brought 
up  with  the  howitzer  and  which  was  loaded  wjth  two 
thousand  rifle  cartridges,  returned  to  their  camp. 

The  loss  of  the  cannon  was  a  serious  blow  to  the 
command,  for,  could  it  have  been  gotten  into  position 
and  held,  it  could  have  done  excellent  service  in  shelling 
the  Indians  out  of  their  strongholds,  whence  they  so 
annoyed  the  troops.  The  piece  could  not  consistently 
have  been  more  strongly  guarded,  however,  than  it  was, 
for  every  available  man  was  needed  in  the  assault  on  the 
camp.  The  loss  of  the  two  thousand  rounds  of  rifle 
cartridges  also  weakened  the  command  seriously,  for 
it  compelled  the  men  to  reserve  their  fire  all  day,  in 
order  to  make  the  supply  taken  into  the  action  with 
them  hold  out.  Had  this  extra  supply  reached  them, 
they  could  have  killed  many  more  Indians  during  the 
day  than  they  did. 

Meantime  the  fight  continued  to  rage  at  the  mouth  of 
the  gulch,  with  varying  fortunes  and  misfortunes  on 
either  side.  Late  in  the  afternoon  a  smoke  was  seen 
rising  from  beyond  the  brow  of  the  hill  below  Gibbon's 
position,  and  the  cry  went  forth  that  the  Indians  had 
fired  the  grass.  A  wind  was  blowing  the  fire  directly 
toward  the  beleaguered  band,  and  all  were  greatly 
alarmed.  The  General  had  feared  that  the  Indians  would 
resort  to  this  measure,  for  he  knew  it  to  be  a  part  of 
the  Nez  PerceV  war  tactics,  and  he  believed  that  they 
intended  to  follow  up  the  fire  and  assault  his  men  while 
blinded  by  the  smoke.  Yet  he  was  not  dismayed.  He 
urged  his  men  to  stand  firm  in  the  face  of  this  new 
danger. 

"If  the  worst  comes,  my  men,"  said  he,  "if  this  fire 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole     187 

reaches  us,  we  will  charge  through  it,  meet  the  redskins 
in  the  open  ground,  and  send  them  to  a  hotter  place  than 
they  have  prepared  for  us. " 

The  fire  burned  fiercely  until  within  a  few  yards  of  the 
intrenchments,  and  the  men  were  blinded  and  nearly 
suffocated  by  the  smoke.  But  again  the  fortunes  of  war 
were  with  the  beleaguered  band,  for  just  before  the 
fire  reached  them  the  wind  shifted  squarely  about,  came 
down  off  the  hills  from  the  west,  and  the  fire,  blown 
back  upon  its  own  blackened  embers,  faltered,  and  died 
out.  At  this  lucky  turn  in  their  fortunes  the  soldiers 
cheered  wildly,  and  the  Indians  cursed  savagely. 

The  men  had  left  the  wagons  in  the  forenoon  of  the 
previous  day  with  one  day's  rations,  but  in  the  charge 
across  the  river  many  of  their  haversacks  had  been 
filled  with  water,  and  the  scant  supply  of  food  that  re 
mained  in  them  was  destroyed.  Others,  more  fortunate, 
had  divided  their  few  remaining  crackers  with  their 
comrades  who  were  thus  deprived,  so  that  all  were  now 
without  provisions  and  suffering  from  hunger. 

The  gulch  in  which  they  had  taken  cover  was  dry 
and  rocky,  and  as  the  August  sun  poured  his  scorching 
rays  upon  the  men  they  suffered  for  water.  True,  the 
river  flowed  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  them,  but 
the  man  who  attempted  to  reach  it  did  so  at  the  risk  of 
his  life,  and  there  were  no  more  lives  to  spare.  Not  until 
nightfall  did  the  commanding  officer  deem  it  prudent 
to  send  out  a  fatigue  party  for  water.  Then  three  men 
volunteered  to  go,  and  under  cover  of  darkness,  and  of  a 
firing  party,  they  made  the  trip  safely,  filling  and  bring 
ing  in  as  many  canteens  as  they  could  carry. 

The  men  cut  up  Lieutenant  Woodruff's  horse  (which 
the  Indians  had  conveniently  killed  within  the  lines), 
and  as  they  dared  not  make  camp-fires,  devoured  full 


1 88    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

rations  of  him  raw.  The  night  was  cold,  and  again  the 
men  suffered  greatly  for'  bedding.  The  Indians  kept 
firing  into  the  woods  occasionally,  even  after  dark,  so 
that  the  soldiers  were  unable  to  rest.  Once  or  twice  they 
charged  up  almost  to  Gibbon's  lines  and  delivered 
volleys  on  the  men,  but  were  speedily  repulsed  in  each 
case  by  a  fusillade  from  the  intrenchments. 

General  Gibbon  had  heard  nothing  from  his  wagon- 
train  since  leaving  it,  and  the  fact  that  mounted  parties 
of  Indians  were  frequently  seen  passing  in  his  rear  made 
it  extremely  dangerous  to  attempt  to  pass  to  or  from  it. 
Indeed,  he  feared  the  train  had  been  captured,  for  it 
was  but  lightly  guarded,  and  during  the  night  he  started 
a  runner  to  Deer  Lodge  for  medical  assistance  and 
supplies.  This  man,  W.  H.  Edwards  by  name,  succeeded 
in  making  his  way  out  through  the  Indian  lines  under 
cover  of  darkness,  and  walked  or  ran  to  Frenche's 
Gulch,  a  distance  of  nearly  sixty  miles,  where  he  got  a 
horse,  and  made  the  remaining  forty  miles  during  the 
following  night,  arriving  at  Deer  Lodge  on  the  morning 
of  August  nth. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth  a  courier  arrived  from 
General  Howard,  informing  Gibbon  that  he  (Howard) 
was  hurrying  to  his  assistance  with  twenty  cavalrymen 
and  thirty  Warm  Spring  Indians.  On  being  questioned 
as  to  the  supply-train,  this  courier  reported  that  he  had 
seen  nothing  of  it,  which  statement  greatly  increased 
the  fear  of  the  men  that  it  had  been  captured  and  de 
stroyed. 

Later  in  the  day,  however,  a  messenger  arrived  from 
the  train,  bringing  the  cheering  news  that  it  was  safe. 
The  Indians  had  menaced  it  all  day,  but  the  guard  in 
charge  of  it  had  fortified  their  position  and  fired  upon 
the  savages  whenever  they  came  in  sight  with  such  tell- 


The  Battle  of  the  Big  Hole    189 

ing  effect  that  the  latter  had  made  no  determined  at 
tack.  Howard's  messenger  had  passed  the  train  in  the 
night  without  seeing  it. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  loth  Serg.  Mildon  H. 
Wilson,  of  Company  K,  with  six  men  was  sent  back 
to  bring  up  the  train,  and  later  in  the  day  Captain 
Browning  and  Lieutenant  Woodbridge,  with  twenty 
men,  all  of  whom  had  volunteered  for  the  service,  were 
sent  to  take  charge  of  it.  They  met  the  train  on  the  way 
in  charge  of  Sergeant  Wilson,  and  with  it  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  command  just  at  sundown,  bringing  the 
blankets  and  provisions  so  much  needed  by  the  men. 

This  detachment  performed  a  hazardous  and  meri 
torious  piece  of  work  in  thus  rescuing  and  bringing  up 
the  train,  for  large  parties  of  Indians  were  still  scouting 
through  the  woods  and  hills  watching  for  opportunities 
to  cut  off  any  small  body  of  troops  who  might  be  found 
away  from  the  main  command  and  with  whom  they 
might  successfully  contend. 

In  the  face  of  this  danger,  Browning  and  Wood- 
bridge,  with  their  few  supporters,  marched  nearly  ten 
miles  through  the  swampy,  brush-lined  ravine,  and 
succeeded  in  moving  the  train  over  roads  that  were  well- 
nigh  impassable  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances. 
The  wagons  had  to  be  literally  carried  over  some  of  the 
worst  places,  the  mules  having  all  they  could  do  to  get 
through  without  pulling  a  pound. 

As  soon  as  the  train  had  been  safely  delivered  to  the 
command,  General  Gibbon  asked  for  a  volunteer  mes 
senger  to  go  to  Deer  Lodge  with  additional  despatches, 
fearing  that  Edwards  might  have  been  killed  or  cap 
tured  en  route,  and  Sergeant  Wilson,  the  hero  of  so 
many  brave  deeds,  promptly  volunteered  for  this 
perilous  service.  He  started  at  once,  rode  all  night, 


1 90    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  reached  his  destination  only  a  few  hours  behind 
Edwards. 

The  last  party  of  Indians  withdrew  about  eleven 
o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  loth,  giving  the  soldiers  a 
parting  shower  of  bullets,  but  it  was  not  known  until 
daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  i  ith  that  all  had  really 
gone. 

From  the  time  the  last  shots  were  fired,  as  stated,  all 
was  quiet,  and  the  men  got  a  few  hours  of  much-needed 
rest,  such  as  it  was,  for  they  had  slept  but  two  hours  in 
the  past  forty-eight.  The  fight  was  over;  the  enemy  was 
gone.  The  sun  that  rose  on  the  morning  of  the  nth 
shone  brightly  over  as  beautiful  a  valley  as  the  eye  of 
man  ever  beheld,  and  the  blackening  corpses  that  lay 
strewn  upon  the  field  were  the  only  remaining  evidences 
of  the  bloody  tragedy  that  had  so  lately  been  enacted 
there. 


CHAPTER  ELEVEN 

The  Battle  of  Camas  Meadows* 

By  H.  J.  Davis,  formerly  Sergeant  Second   Cavalry, 
United  States  Army 

DURING  the  memorable  campaign  against 
the  Nez  Perce  Indians,  in  the  year  1877, 
there  were  many  stirring  incidents  that  have 
never  been  given  to  the  public,  and  notably 
among  these  is  the  Camas  Meadow  fight  of  Capt.  Ran 
dolph  Norwood's  Company  L,  of  the  Second  Cavalry. 
In  the  early  part  of  the  summer  we  had  assisted  the 
Fifth  Infantry,  under  Col.  Nelson  A.  Miles,  in  round 
ing  up  and  capturing  the  remnant  band  of  Cheyenne 
Sioux,  under  Lame  Deer,  and  bringing  them  into  the 
cantonment  at  the  mouth  of  Tongue  River.  Shortly 
after  arriving  there,  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman  and  staff, 
and   the  General's   son,  Thomas,  came  up   the  Yel 
lowstone  on  a  tour  of  inspection,  and  we  were  ordered 
to  escort  them  to  Fort  Ellis,  which  was  our  home  sta 
tion.   Arriving  there,  a  portion  of  the   company  was 
detailed  to  accompany  our  distinguished  visitors  on  a 
trip  of  sight-seeing  to  the  Yellowstone  Park.  They  had 
scarcely  departed  when  despatches  arrived  telling  of 
a  disastrous  engagement  of  Col.  John  Gibbon's  troops 

*  By  kind  permission  of  the  Journal  of  the  Military  Service  Institution. 
IQI 


192    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

with  the  Nez  Perces  at  Big  Hole  Pass,  something  like 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  away;  saying  he  was  in 
desperate  circumstances  and  in  danger  of  annihilation, 
and  ordering  us  to  hasten  with  all  speed  to  his  relief. 

Our  company  was  depleted,  by  various  details,  to 
about  fifty  men,  and  with  this  force  we  started  within 
the  hour,  which  was  already  late  in  the  day.  Virginia 
City,  sixty  miles,  was  made  on  the  night  of  the  following 
day;  the  next  ninety  miles  were  made  without  halt,  ex 
cept  for  coffee  for  the  men  and  short  rests  for  the  horses. 
It  was  a  tedious  ride;  all  day,  all  night  and  all  day  again, 
the  steady  plod,  plod  of  the  horses  broken  at  night  by 
the  occasional  smothered  exclamation  or  oath  of  some 
trooper  who  had  dropped  asleep  and  nearly  fallen  from 
his  horse. 

On  the  second  night  out  from  Virginia  City  we  went 
into  camp  late,  moved  early  the  following  morning, 
and  had  not  been  on  the  road  long  before  we  met  a 
wagon  and  travois  train  bringing  wounded  from  the 
battle-field.  They  told  us  that  they  had  been  soundly 
whipped,  with  great  loss,  and  that  the  Indians,  unable 
to  dislodge  them,  had,  after  a  three  days'  siege,  departed, 
taking  a  southeasterly  course  and  following  the  main 
range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

They  would,  without  question,  have  killed  or  captured 
every  man  of  Gibbon's  force,  had  they  not  been  apprised 
of  a  large  force  of  soldiers  coming  from  the  West.  This 
was  Gen.  O.  O.  Howard's  command,  consisting  of  two 
companies  of  the  First  United  States  Cavalry,  two  or 
three  batteries  of  the  Fourth  United  States  Artillery, 
and  the  Twenty-first  United  States  Infantry.  The  ar 
tillery  was  equipped  as  infantry.  This  force  we  joined, 
and  then  began  a  stern  chase  which  proved  to  be  the 
traditional  long  chase. 


The  Battle  of  Camas  Meadows   193 

Our  course  was  the  same  as  the  Indians  had  taken. 
But  with  our  heavier  impedimenta  the  best  we  could  do 
was  to  keep  from  fifteen  to  twenty  miles  behind  them. 
We  crossed  to  the  south  side  of  the  main  range,  and  for 
seven  nights  we  slept  booted  and  spurred.  We  were 
following  the  trail,  which,  after  crossing  the  mountains, 
led  through  a  good  grazing  country,  and  from  the  nu 
merous  carcasses  of  cattle  which  lined  the  trail  we  knew 
that  the  Indians  were  well  sustained.  An  interesting 
fact,  to  those  not  acquainted  with  Indian  ways,  is  that 
these  dead  steers  were  disemboweled  and  the  bulk  of 
the  internal  arrangements  had  disappeared,  while  the 
loins,  rump,  and,  in  fact,  all  choice  parts,  from  a  white 
man's  point  of  view,  had  not  been  disturbed. 

The  trail  was  easily  followed,  as  it  was  from  fifty  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  and  the  vegetation  was 
almost  entirely  obliterated  by  the  tramping  of  their 
several  hundred  ponies  and  the  dragging  of  scores  of 
travois  poles.  At  their  halting-places  we  found  many 
freshly  made  graves,  showing  that  their  wounded  list  was 
rapidly  growing  smaller.  We  also  noticed,  at  such  resting 
spots,  numbers  of  conical  piles  of  pony  droppings, 
evidently  built  by  hand,  which  our  scouts  told  us  were 
constructed  by  the  young  bucks  to  show  their  contempt 
for  us. 

When  we  struck  Camas  Creek,  General  Howard 
decided  to  give  the  men  and  horses  a  chance  to  rest, 
as  our  march  had  been  arduous,  and  the  Indians  seemed 
about  to  strike  for  the  headwaters  of  Snake  River,  and 
from  there  enter  the  then  almost  wholly  unexplored 
Yellowstone  Park.  We  camped  on  the  east  bank  of 
Camas  Creek,  on  open  ground.  Opposite,  and  above 
the  camp,  the  creek  was  fringed  with  cottonwoods  and 
alders,  and  below,  the  banks  were  clear  and  the  stream 


194   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

flowed  over  a  natural  meadow  to  "The  Sink"  a  few 
miles  below,  where  it  disappeared.  The  creek  was  lit 
erally  alive  with  trout  from  twelve  to  twenty  inches  long, 
and  offered  the  finest  sport  I  have  ever  seen.  With  only 
a  small  portion  of  the  men  fishing,  enough  were  taken  to 
feed  the  entire  command.  In  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
that  camp  ground  there  is  now  a  company,  with  a  capi 
tal  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  engaged  in  raising 
trout  for  market,  and  they  supply  Ogden,  Salt  Lake 
City,  and  even  San  Francisco;  the  waters  are  ideal  for 
the  purpose.  At  night  guards  were  posted,  and  a  picket 
post  was  established  some  five  hundred  yards  up 
stream,  near  the  creek  and  on  a  rocky  knoll,  and  two 
at  other  points.  The  mule  herd  was  turned  loose  to  graze 
in  the  space  between  the  camp  and  the  principal  picket 
post  mentioned  above. 

Some  of  the  men  slept  under  the  wagons  and  others 
pitched  shelter  tents;  I  chose  the  latter  method,  and 
with  Private  Monaghan  for  a  "bunky"  was  soon  in  a 
state  of  "innocuous  desuetude."  Either  our  pickets  fell 
asleep  or  the  Indians  were  very  astute,  for  during  the 
dark  half  hour  that  generally  precedes  daylight  we 
were  awakened  by  a  disconcerting  concert  of  demoni 
acal  yells  and  a  cracking  of  rifles,  while  the  whizzing  of 
bullets  could  be  heard  well  overhead.  Every  one  was 
out  in  a  minute,  and  all  we  could  see  was  a  magnified 
imitation  of  a  swarm  of  fireflies  flittering  in  the  alders 
as  the  rifles  spoke;  while  the  tramping  of  hundreds  of 
hoofs  added  to  the  din. 

We  had  no  sooner  sent  them  "a  Roland  for  their 
Oliver"  than  the  fireflies  ceased  winking,  and,  except 
the  noise  we  were  making  ourselves,  nothing  could  be 
heard  but  receding  hoof-beats  and  faint  yells,  as  the 
enemy  returned  from  whence  they  came,  taking  with 


The  Battle  of  Camas  Meadows   195 

them,  as  a  souvenir,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  mules, 
our  pack-train.  Our  company  horses  had  pulled  one 
picket-pin,  and  had  them  milled  'round  and  'round  and 
twisted  themselves  into  a  grotesque  puzzle. 

Orders  came  quickly  for  the  three  companies  of 
cavalry  to  saddle,  pursue  and  try  to  recapture  the  pack- 
train.  One  company  of  the  First  Cavalry  was  to  make  a 
detour  to  the  right  and  the  other  to  the  left,  and  our 
company  was  to  follow  the  trail.  The  morning  air  was 
extremely  chilly  and  crisp  and  the  horses  rank,  so  that 
what  was  an  orderly  gallop,  at  first,  soon  developed 
into  a  race.  After  half  an  hour  of  this  we  approached  a 
ridge,  which  was  the  first  roll  of  the  foot-hills.  The  first 
ones  to  make  the  summit  of  the  ridge  suddenly  stopped 
and  then  quickly  returned  to  the  foot;  as  the  rest  of  us 
came  up  we  soon  learned  that  the  Indians  had  made  a 
stand  just  over  the  ridge. 

We  dismounted,  and  the  Number  Fours,  each  holding 
four  horses,  being  unable  to  fight,  left  about  thirty-five 
of  us  to  meet  the  Indians.  Crawling  to  the  top  we  saw  a 
line  of  dismounted  skirmishers,  standing  behind  their 
ponies,  on  open  ground  and  about  a  thousand  yards 
away.  We  deployed  along  the  ridge  and  for  twenty 
minutes  or  so  exchanged  shots  with  them  with  but  little 
damage  on  either  side,  as  the  range  was  long  for  our 
Springfields  and  longer  for  their  Winchesters. 

Lieutenant  Benson  of  the  Seventh  Infantry,  who  was 
attached  to  our  company  for  the  day,  standing  up  for 
an  instant,  just  at  my  side,  received  a  bullet  which  en 
tered  at  the  hip-pocket  and  went  out  at  the  other,  having 
passed  entirely  through  both  buttocks;  this,  while  we 
were  facing  the  enemy,  caused  us  to  realize  that  we  had 
no  ordinary  Indians  to  deal  with,  for,  while  we  had  been 
frolicking  with  the  skirmishers  in  front,  Chief  Joseph 


196    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

had  engineered  as  neat  a  double  flank  movement  as 
could  be  imagined,  and  we  were  exposed  to  a  raking 
fire  coming  from  right  and  left. 

The  horses  had  been  withdrawn,  more  than  five 
hundred  yards,  to  a  clump  of  cottonwoods;  and  when 
we  turned  around  there  was  no  sight  nor  sign  of  them. 
For  a  brief  period  there  was  a  panic,  and  then  we  heard 
the  notes  of  a  bugle  blowing  "Recall"  from  the  cotton- 
wood  thicket.  The  race  to  that  thicket  was  something 
never  to  be  forgotten,  for  a  cavalryman  is  not  trained 
for  a  five  hundred  yard  sprint.  Luck  was  with  us,  how 
ever,  and  no  man  was  hit  in  that  mad  race  for  safety.  I 
had  a  horse's  nose-bag  slung  over  my  shoulder  contain 
ing  extra  cartridges,  and  a  bullet  cut  the  strap  and  let  it 
fall  to  the  ground.  A  hero  would  have  stopped,  gone 
back  and  recovered  that  bag,  but  not  I. 

We  all  reached  the  horses  and  found  the  place  an 
admirable  one  for  defense;  it  was  a  sort  of  basin,  an  acre 
or  so  in  extent,  with  a  rim  high  enough  to  protect  our 
horses,  and  filled  with  young  cottonwoods  in  full  leaf. 
It  was  oval  in  shape,  and  we  deployed  in  all  directions 
around  the  rim.  For  two  hours  it  was  a  sniping  game  and 
our  casualties  were  eight.  The  Indians  crawled  very 
close,  one  shooting  Harry  Trevor  in  the  back  at  about 
fifteen  feet,  as  we  knew  by  the  moccasin  tracks  and 
empty  shells  found  behind  a  rock  after  the  engagement. 
Poor  Trevor's  wound  was  mortal  as  was  that  of  Sam 
Glass,  who  was  shot  through  the  bladder;  a  bullet  hit 
Sergeant  Garland's  cartridge-belt  and  drove  two  car 
tridges  from  it  clear  through  his  body;  his  wound  never 
healed  and  he  blew  out  his  brains  a  few  years  later.  Will 
Clark  had  his  shoulder  partly  torn  away  by  an  explosive 
ball;  Sergeant  Wilkins,  a  head  wound,  and  Farrier 
Jones,  a  "busted"  knee;  a  citizen  attache,  a  bullet 


The  Battle  of  Camas  Meadows   197 

through  the  foot,  and  the  lieutenant,  wounded  as  told 
above.  This  was  the  amount  of  damage  done  to  us, 
and  what  we  did  to  the  Indians  we  never  knew,  as  they 
retreated  in  good  order  taking  their  dead  or  injured 
with  them,  after  they  found  they  could  not  dislodge 
us.  Three  dead  ponies  and  some  pools  of  blood  were  all 
the  records  we  found  of  their  casualties. 

The  real  hero  of  the  occasion  was  Sergeant  Hugh 
McCafferty,  who  climbed  a  cottonwood  tree,  and  in 
short  range  of  every  Indian  and  only  concealed  by  the 
foliage,  kept  us  posted  on  their  movements  by  passing 
the  word  to  a  man  stationed  under  the  tree.  For  this  act 
he  was  given  a  certificate  of  merit  and  a  medal  by  Con 
gress.  It  should  have  been  mentioned  that  we  recovered 
twenty  mules  that  were  dropped  by  the  Indians  about 
midway  between  the  camp  and  battle-ground.  The 
others  were  never  retaken,  but  were  worn  out  or  died 
before  the  final  surrender  of  the  few  survivors  to  Colonel 
Miles. 

We  took  up  the  trail  the  next  day,  after  our  wounded 
had  been  started  for  the  post  under  escort.  I  could  never 
understand  how  those  two  companies  of  the  First  Cav 
alry  could  have  missed  the  Indians  and  gotten  entirely 
out  of  touch  with  us,  when  we  started  together  and  we 
were  fighting  within  half  an  hour  and  kept  it  up  for 
nearly  three  hours.  More  could  be  told  of  our  chase 
through  forest  and  canon,  over  mountains  and  across 
gorges,  where  wagons  had  to  be  let  down  almost  per 
pendicular  walls  by  hand,  for  two  hundred  feet.  But 
that  is  another  story. 


CHAPTER  TWELVE 

Story  of  Bugler  Brooks 

By  Col.  J.  W.  Redington 

United  States  Scout  and  Courier  in  Campaigns  Against 
Hostile  Indians  in  the  Pacific  Northwest* 

MORN  amid  the  mountains,  cold's  the  hour 
before  the  dawn;  also  dark.  So  it  was  that 
autumn  night  on  Camas  Meadows,  away 
up  in  Idaho,  under  the  sentinel  shadows 
of  the  great  peaks  of  the  Three  Tetons. 

How  still  the  cavalry  camp,  with  its  tired  troopers, 
snatching  what  sleep  they  can  before  beginning  another 
day's  pursuit  of  Chief  Joseph's  hostiles. 

A  shot !  Another !  A  dozen  !  A  regular  rattling  volley ! 

A  bugle  blast  —  Brooks'  bugle,  always  musical,  now 

stirringly  imperative  in  its  call  to  arms  —  the  cool,  firm 

orders  of  Major  Jackson  —  and,  above  all,  the  Indian 

yells  of  defiance  to  the  entire  white  race. 

And  all  in  the  chill,  intensified  darkness  that  pre 
cedes  the  dawn.  Shots  in  all  directions. 

Very  suddenly  had  the  hostiles  attached  the  sleeping 
soldiers  and  cleverly  stampeded  the  pack-mules  grazing 
within  the  lines.  Carefully,  in  columns  of  fours,  personal 
ly  conducted  by  Joseph,  had  they  advanced  toward  the 

*  From  Sunset  Magazine  by  permission  of  the  author. 

198 


Story  of  Bugler  Brooks         199 

watchful  picket,  and  in  the  uncertain  starlight  made 
him  think  they  were  Bacon's  troopers  returning.  But 
answering  not  his  challenge,  they  received  the  contents 
of  his  carbine. 

A  few  Indians  had  skilfully  crept  in  between  the  sen 
tries,  and  mingling  with  the  mules,  had  removed  the 
hobbles  from  the  bell  mares.  The  sentry's  shot,  the 
shrill  signal  yell,  the  buffalo  robes  flaunted  in  their 
faces  —  and  the  herd  made  a  wild  dash  for  freedom. 

It  lay  in  the  course  shaped  by  the  Indians. 

Strenuous  seconds  now,  with  only  a  few  of  them 
consumed  while  General  Howard  and  Lieutenants 
Fletcher,  Wood  and  Howard  rolled  out  of  their  blankets 
and  arranged  for  pursuit.  Decamped  had  the  hostiles, 
with  the  hundred  mules  they  were  after,  and  the  bullets, 
in  darkness  sent,  found  few  the  marks  their  senders 
meant. 

There  was  no  stuttering  in  the  hurry-up  calls  that 
came  from  Bugler  Brooks,  and  the  mountain  spurs  and 
neighbor  canons  caught  up  the  notes  and  echoed  and 
reechoed  them  as  only  canons  can. 

How  realistic  it  all  was !  And  how  the  horses  of  the 
Montana  volunteers,  commanded  by  Captain  Clark, 
now  United  States  Senator,  went  wild  and  dashed  away 
to  join  the  stolen  mules.  And  how  Jackson,  the  veteran 
of  many  wars,  talked  to  his  horses,  plunging  at  the  picket 
rope,  and  quieted  them  down. 

Boots  and  saddles !  and  away  went  the  troopers  of  the 
dashing  Norwood,  Carr,  Sanford,  Jackson  and  Bendire, 
and  in  an  hour  they  were  in  a  hot  engagement  with 
double  their  number  of  Indians.  They  recaptured  half 
the  stolen  stock,  but  the  frantic  animals  broke  away  and 
dashed  back  into  the  enemy's  lines. 

No  amateurs  at  war  were  these  Nez  Perces.  Their  am- 


200  Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

buscade  was  a  success,  and  it  soon  became  a  case  of  the 
troopers  holding  their  own.  And  when  the  day's  battling 
was  over  and  Lieutenant  Benson  and  the  rest  of  the 
wounded  had  had  their  misery  eased  as  much  as  was 
possible  away  out  there  in  the  then  wilderness,  there 
was  one  dead. 

That  was  Bugler  Brooks. 

When  the  boy,  for  he  was  scarcely  more  than  that, 
was  shot  out  of  his  saddle,  he  tried  at  once  to  spring 
up  on  to  his  feet  again,  but  only  succeeded  in  getting 
to  his  knees.  His  horse,  a  very  intelligent  animal,  went 
back  to  his  fallen  master,  nickered,  and  edged  up 
alongside  of  him.  Brooks  caught  the  stirrup  strap  and 
tried  to  lift  himself  back  into  the  saddle,  but  just  then 
death  came.  The  horse  whinnied  and  champed  and 
stood  around  Brooks,  plainly  urging  him  to  remount. 
It  was  a  snap-shot  scene  that  did  not  last  long,  but  was 
quite  pitiful  while  it  was  passing.* 

The  heroic  rescue  under  a  fierce  fire  of  his  slender  and 
suddenly  lifeless  form,  by  Major  Jackson,  eventually 
brought  that  officer  a  medal  of  honor  from  Congress. 
Boy  that  he  was,  full  of  life  and  enthusiasm,  it  seemed 
singularly  sad  that  fate  had  selected  him  to  fill  the  shal 
low  trench  scooped  out  by  his  comrades. 

Brief  was  the  service  read  by  Colonel  Mason,  touch 
ing  the  remarks  by  General  Howard,  heavy  the  hearts  of 
those  who  stood  by.  And  as  the  little  mound  was  round 
ed  up  and  the  farewell  volleys  rang  out  on  the  evening 

*  Just  after  the  youngster  died,  Charles  Gibbons  shot  an  Indian,  and  his  body  came 
rolling  down  from  the  rocks  above.  It  was  thought  that  that  Nez  Perc£  was  the  one  who 
had  shot  Brooks,  so  Gibbons  was  called  the  Long-Haired  Avenger.  He  had  not  had  a 
chance  to  cut  his  own  hair  for  several  months,  as  the  butcher-knife  he  packed  in  his  boot 
had  become  pretty  dull  from  slicing  hard-tack.  Please  remember,  Doctor,  that  on  those 
rough  campaigns  the  cavalry  did  not  carry  any  cheese-knives  (sabres),  and  the  officers 
carried  no  swords  (or  toad-stickers).  It  was  tough  service  on  the  horses,  and  every  ounce 
taken  off  of  them  counted  big. — J.  W.  R. 


Story  of  Bugler  Brooks        201 

air,  the  setting  sun  slanted  its  shadowing  shafts  against 
the  soaring  summits  of  the  Snake  River  sentries,  the 
Three  Tetons,  the  wondrous  western  clouds  took  on 
their  fairy  forms  and  tints  of  rose  and  amber  and  purple, 
the  stars  let  down  their  hanging  lamps,  and  the  rising 
autumn  moon  saw  soldiers  resuming  the  stern  realities  of 
wicked  war,  with  Trumpeter  Sembower  sounding  the 
calls. 

Miles  from  human  habitation,  what  a  lonely  place  it 
was  to  bury  the  boy.  How  tender  the  termination  of  the 
camaraderie.  And  how  would  weep  the  mother  who 
tended  his  infant  footsteps  could  she  have  seen  through 
the  shadows  that  shroud  the  to-morrow,  and  viewed  the 
ending  of  the  life  she  gave. 

With  such  sacrifices  have  Western  trails  been  blazed. 

Alone  with  nature  and  nature's  God  Bugler  Brooks' 
grave  will  remain  for  many  a  year,  but  the  Bannock 
women  will  come  to  dig  the  camas  and  the  cowse 
among  the  near-by  knolls,  and  superstitiously  point  out 
the  mound  to  their  little  ones.  And  every  winter,  with 
its  deeper  snows,  will  surely  bring  a  spring,  with  mead 
ow-larks'  sweetest  songs,  and  every  early  June  these 
mountain  glades  will  be  fragrant  fields  of  beautiful  blue 
blossoms  of  the  camas,  and  the  wild  timothy  and  the 
red-top  will  dip  and  wave  in  the  summer  breezes,  and 
the  lupine  and  fire-pink  will  illume  the  smiling  slopes. 

And  later  on,  some  day,  the  settler  will  come,  and  the 
district  school,  and  the  teacher  will  tell  her  little  pupils 
the  tradition  of  the  lonely  grave.  While  down  the  spectral 
aisles  of  thought,  the  termination  of  whose  windings  we 
do  not  know,  will  come  glintings  of  day  through  the 
darkness,  arc  lights  of  heaven  in  the  dusk,  and  on  the 
far-off  morn  —  the  resurrection  morn  —  the  reveille 
bugle-call  of  Brother  Trumpeter  Gabriel  will  find 


202    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

young  Brooks  among  the  good  and  true,  in  his  faded 
blouse  of  blue,  ready  to  join  his  scattered  comrades  of 
the  gallant  old  First  Cavalry,  with  Colonel  Jackson  at 
the  head  of  the  column,  his  favorite  bugler  again  at  his 
elbow,  and  riding  along  with  their  troops  General 
Boutelle,  and  Captain  Bendire,  and  Lieutenant  Bacon 
and  Major  McGregor,  and  Col.  John  Green,  and 
Captain  Winters,  and  Colonel  Parnell,  and  Major 
Trimble,  and  Captain  Forse,  and  Colonel  Bernard,  and 
Majors  Pitcher  and  Wainwright,  and  Sergeants  Mc 
Carthy  and  Burkett  and  Wooten  and  Hanvey,  with 
Col.  Rube  Robbins  and  Capt.  S.  G.  Fisher  leading  on 
as  chiefs  of  scouts,  and  the  rest  of  the  veteran  troopers 
who  put  in  the  best  years  of  their  lives  paving  the  way  for 
the  prosperous  civilization  that  now  blesses  the  Pacific 
Northwest. 


CHAPTER  THIRTEEN 

The  Seventh  Cavalry  at  Cafion  Creek 

By  Theodore  W.  Goldin 

THE  winter  of  1876-77,  following  the  "  Little  Big 
Horn"  campaign,  was  spent  by  the  Seventh 
Cavalry  very  quietly  in  posts  along  the  Mis 
souri  and  vicinity,  resting,  reorganizing  and 
awakening  to  a  realizing  sense  of  what  the  previous 
season's  campaign  had  meant  to  us.  Early  in  the  winter 
rumors  reached  us  that  the  regiment  was  to  take  the 
field  in  the  early  spring,  so  that  when  orders  reached 
us  in  early  April  for  eleven  troops  of  the  regiment  to 
move  out  under  Colonel  and  Brev.  Maj.-Gen.  Samuel 
Sturgis,  we  were  not  at  all  surprised. 

On  April  3Oth  eleven  troops  of  the  regiment  were  re 
united  a  short  distance  below  Bismarck,  and  on  May  2nd 
wre  took  up  our  line  of  march  for  Fort  Buford.  Owing  to 
the  early  season  and  the  incessant  rains  our  progress  was 
slow  and  practically  void  of  incidents  of  interest  to  the 
general  reader.  After  a  brief  halt  in  the  vicinity  of  Bu 
ford  we  were  ferried  across  the  river,  and  in  the  weeks 
that  followed  spent  the  time  in  scouting  the  valley  of 
the  Yellowstone,  remaining  not  far  from  the  canton 
ment  at  Tongue  River. 

From  time  to  time  rumors  reached  us  of  an  uprising 

203 


204    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  Nez  Perces  in  Oregon.  This  did  not  cause  us  any 
uneasiness,  as  the  scene  of  war  was  too  far  removed, 
apparently,  to  bring  it  within  the  limit  of  possibilities 
of  our  being  called  upon  to  participate  in  the  campaign 
against  them. 

We  were  therefore  somewhat  surprised  one  pleasant 
afternoon,  while  we  were  enjoying  a  somewhat  lazy 
existence  along  the  banks  of  the  Yellowstone  some 
twelve  miles  from  Miles  City,  to  hear  "Officer's  Call" 
sounding  from  headquarters,  followed  a  few  moments 
later  by  the  "  General. "  We  rushed  out  of  the  quarter 
master's  tent  where  we  were  on  guard  to  see  every  tent 
in  the  regiment  down  and  the  men  packing  up  with 
orders  to  march  at  once  for  the  Tongue  River  canton 
ment.  On  arriving  there  with  the  wagon-train  about 
midnight,  we  learned  that  the  Nez  Perces  had  eluded 
General  Howard  and  were  making  their  way  across 
the  divide,  and  that  eight  troops  of  our  regiment  were 
to  take  the  field,  the  remaining  three  troops,  A,  D, 
and  K,  being  left  at  the  cantonment  under  General 
Miles.  Our  destination  was  the  old  Crow  Mission  away 
up  on  the  Stillwater. 

With  five  days'  rations  in  our  wagons  we  broke  camp 
the  following  morning  and  pushed  ahead  up  the  valley 
of  the  Yellowstone,  passing  on  the  way  our  old  camp 
where  General  Custer's  fatal  march  began  the  pre 
ceding  summer.  The  following  day  a  courier  overtook 
us  from  Tongue  River  with  the  news  that  the  steamer 
on  which  were  our  extra  rations  was  hard  aground  on  the 
Yellowstone,  with  no  immediate  prospect  of  getting  up 
until  there  was  an  improvement  in  the  stage  of  the 
water.  This  raised  serious  complications,  as  by  this 
time  we  only  had  about  one  day's  rations  in  the  wagons. 
Lieutenant  Fuller  had  already  started  for  Fort  Ellis 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek  205 

and  Bozeman,  Montana,  to  arrange  to  have  rations  and 
forage  forwarded  to  us  from  there,  and  Lieutenant 
Varnum,  regimental  quartermaster,  with  his  orderly  and 
chief  clerk,  had  pushed  on  ahead  of  the  command  to 
intercept  the  steamer  at  Terry's  Landing,  expecting 
there  to  unload  sufficient  rations  to  carry  us  to  the 
Mission. 

A  hurried  consultation  was  held,  and  couriers  sent 
forward  to  overtake  the  quartermaster,  in  order  that  he 
might  make  such  other  arrangements  as  seemed  possible 
under  the  circumstances.  He  lost  no  time  in  pushing 
forward  a  courier  to  Fort  Custer  and  we  secured  from 
that  post  a  supply  of  flour,  but  no  hard  bread  and  no 
forage  to  speak  of.  Leaving  one  troop  to  bring  forward 
such  rations  as  were  secured,  the  balance  of  the  com 
mand  pushed  forward  to  the  Mussel  Shell  River  where 
we  overtook  them  a  couple  of  days  later.  While  here 
we  learned  that  General  Gibbon  had  run  up  against 
the  Nez  Perces  near  Big  Hole,  Montana  Territory,  and 
had  been  quite  roughly  handled.  With  this  news  we 
pushed  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible  for  the  Mission. 

The  ride,  particularly  on  our  last  day's  march,  was 
a  very  interesting  one,  the  country  was  new  to  us  and 
the  scenery  most  beautiful,  indeed.  Leaving  a  detach 
ment  at  the  crossing  near  the  mouth  of  the  Stillwater 
the  balance  of  the  command  marched  on  to  the  Mission. 
The  following  day  a  small  wagon-train  arrived  at  the 
crossing,  but  to  our  regret  we  found  they  had  nothing 
but  forage  for  our  command.  Loading  up  with  this  we 
rejoined  the  command  at  the  Mission  and  spent  several 
days  resting,  fishing,  and  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
Crows. 

After  remaining  here  several  days  a  detachment  was 
sent  back  to  the  crossing  to  meet  a  wagon-train  reported 


206    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  be  on  its  way  from  Fort  Ellis,  and  again  we  were 
doomed  to  disappointment;  not  a  pound  of  rations, 
nothing  but  corn  and  oats.  During  the  absence  of  the 
train  the  command  had  left  the  agency,  and  crossed 
the  Red  Rock.  There  we  were  at  last  overtaken  by  the 
wagon-train  in  the  vicinity  of  Clark's  Fork,  and  orders 
were  at  once  issued  placing  the  command  on  half 
rations  as  we  did  not  know  when  we  were  likely  to  see 
anything  of  the  missing  supplies. 

Leaving  Clark's  Fork  we  marched  toward  the  moun 
tains,  passing  through  the  valley  of  the  Stinking  Water, 
and  finally  went  into  camp  under  the  lee  of  Old  Heart 
Mountain  on  the  middle  branch  of  Clark's  Fork.  Here 
we  rested  for  a  day,  spending  the  time  between  fishing 
and  manufacturing  our  limited  supply  of  flour  into 
biscuit,  not  knowing  how  soon  we  might  have  to  make 
a  hurried  dash  after  the  enemy. 

While  we  were  resting  at  the  Mission,  General  Sturgis 
had  hired  a  couple  of  prospectors  and  sent  them  into  the 
mountains  ahead  of  us  with  instructions  to  report  to 
him  in  this  vicinity.  Hearing  nothing  from  them  the 
general  became  anxious  and  two  scouting-parties,  under 
Lieutenants  Hare  and  Russell  respectively,  were  ordered 
out  to  scout  the  vicinity  of  our  camp  and  locate  the 
prospectors,  if  possible.  After  their  departure  the  re 
mainder  of  the  command  spent  the  day  in  fishing, 
writing  letters  or  scaling  the  adjacent  peaks. 

In  company  with  Mr.  Dubray,  the  civilian  clerk  in  the 
quartermaster's  department,  some  of  us  started  to  make 
the  ascent  of  Heart  Peak.  Just  as  we  reached  the  base 
of  the  peak,  Dubray  called  attention  to  a  thin,  curling 
cloud  of  smoke  arising  apparently  from  the  summit.  We 
were  somewhat  surprised  at  this,  but  finally  decided 
that  it  must  come  from  a  fire  started  by  some  of  our 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek  207 

people  who  had  started  earlier  in  the  day  to  make  the 
ascent.  Thus  disposing  of  the  matter  we  sought  a  con 
venient  place  and  began  the  ascent. 

After  a  half  hour's  hard  climbing  we  came  out  on  the 
face  of  the  mountains  some  distance  above  the  camp, 
and  sat  down  to  rest  and  smoke.  We  were  just  about  to 
proceed  when  our  attention  was  attracted  to  a  con 
siderable  dust  cloud  moving  rapidly  down  the  valley. 
Unslinging  our  field-glasses,  it  took  but  a  moment  to 
decide  that  it  was  a  party  of  horsemen.  A  few  moments 
later  we  discovered  another  dust  cloud  still  farther  to  the 
right,  again  caused  by  mounted  men.  A  careful  ex 
amination  satisfied  us  they  were  soldiers,  undoubtedly 
our  scouting-parties.  Judging  from  the  way  they  rode 
that  there  was  something  in  the  wind,  we  at  once  aban 
doned  our  idea  of  scaling  the  peak  and  made  our  way 
back  to  camp  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

Both  details  had  reached  the  camp  before  we  did,  and 
on  our  arrival  we  found  the  officers  clustered  around  the 
tent  of  the  Colonel,  and  we  had  only  barely  reached  head 
quarters  when  the  "General"  sounded,  followed  a 
moment  later  by  "Officer's  Call"  to  bring  in  those 
who  were  fishing  and  mountain  climbing.  Orders  were 
issued  to  pack  everything  not  absolutely  necessary  in  the 
wagons,  which  were  to  return  to  the  agency  and  await 
further  orders.  In  the  rush  of  preparation,  we  had  no 
time  to  make  inquiries  as  to  the  reasons  for  this  sudden 
move,  and  it  was  after  eleven  o'clock,  when  we  went  into 
camp  again  and  I  found  myself  on  guard,  that  we 
learned  the  reason  for  our  haste. 

After  leaving  us  in  the  morning,  the  party  under 
Lieutenant  Hare  pushed  ahead  up  the  valley  without 
seeing  anything  out  of  the  ordinary.  Some  distance  above 
the  site  of  our  present  camp  they  suddenly  came  upon 


208    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

fresh  pony  tracks  and  evidences  of  a  recent  struggle,  and 
a  few  moments  later  discovered  the  body  of  one  of  the 
prospectors,  stripped  and  bristling  with  arrows,  stretched 
dead  on  the  hillside.  All  around  him  were  ample  evi 
dences  of  the  recent  presence  of  Indians. 

Pausing  for  a  few  moments  to  give  him  as  decent  a 
burial  as  circumstances  would  permit,  some  of  the  de 
tachment  scattered  and  began  searching  the  adjacent 
territory.  A  few  moments  later  a  loud  "halloo"  from 
down  near  the  banks  of  the  stream  sent  the  whole  party 
scurrying  in  that  direction.  There  they  found  one  of  the 
sergeants  bending  over  the  still  breathing  body  of  the 
second  prospector.  Stimulants  were  speedily  adminis 
tered,  and  in  a  short  time  the  man  had  so  far  recovered 
as  to  be  able  to  tell  his  story. 

It  seems  that  after  leaving  the  Mission  he  and  his 
partner  had  pushed  in  to  the  foot-hills  and  mountains 
for  several  days  without  discovering  any  signs  of  Indians. 
They  had  turned  back  for  the  purpose  of  rejoining  the 
command  and  had  just  forded  the  little  creek  on  which 
the  detachment  was  now  gazing,  when,  without  a 
moment's  warning,  they  were  fired  upon  from  an  am 
bush.  His  partner  was  killed  early  in  the  fight,  and  a 
few  moments  later  he,  too,  was  forced  to  succumb, 
grievously  wounded.  For  some  unknown  reason  the 
Indians  made  no  effort  to  find  him,  but  jumped  on  to 
their  ponies  and  hurried  away  up  the  valley.  He  said 
that  he  only  caught  a  glimpse  of  two  of  them,  and  that 
he  was  sure  they  were  Nez  Perces;  that  it  seemed  al 
most  certain  that  the  main  body  could  not  have  been 
at  any  great  distance. 

After  hearing  the  story,  Lieutenant  Hare  at  once 
determined  to  return  to  the  command  and  report. 
There  was  no  possible  way  of  taking  with  them  the 


Seventh   Cavalry  at  Canon   Creek  209 

Wounded  prospector  in  his  enfeebled  condition;  so, 
after  dressing  his  wounds  as  best  they  could,  they  car 
ried  him  down  near  the  banks  of  the  creek,  erected  a 
temporary  shelter,  and  leaving  him  well  supplied  with 
water  and  such  food  as  they  had,  the  command  swung 
into  the  saddle  and  made  for  camp  in  a  hurry. 

The  second  detachment  under  Lieutenant  Russell, 
after  leaving  camp,  followed  for  several  miles  the  same 
general  direction  taken  by  Lieutenant  Hare's  column, 
then  branching  off  to  the  right,  they  pushed  their  way 
up  into  the  foot-hills,  scouting  in  and  out  among  the 
valleys  and  peaks,  but  without  discovering  any  traces  of 
the  enemy.  They  had  about  determined  to  return  when 
one  of  the  scouts,  who  had  crawled  to  the  top  of  a  little 
ridge  beneath  which  they  had  halted  for  a  moment, 
called  to  Lieutenant  Russell.  The  lieutenant  crept 
cautiously  to  the  scout's  side,  together  with  one  or  two 
of  the  veteran  sergeants.  Peering  over  the  divide  they 
discovered,  not  more  than  a  couple  of  miles  away,  a 
large  herd,  apparently,  of  ponies.  Judging  from  what 
they  could  see  the  herd  had  been  driven  down  to  water 
and  was  then  returning  up  one  of  the  countless  ravines, 
or  canons,  with  which  the  hillsides  were  seamed,  urged 
on  by  a  dozen  or  more  half-naked  Indian  boys. 

There  appeared  to  be  no  thought  of  danger  in  the 
minds  of  the  herd  boys,  for  no  apparent  effort  at  con 
cealment  was  made.  For  some  time  the  soldiers  watched 
them;  in  fact,  until  the  herd  had  disappeared  up  the 
canon,  then  they  scrambled  down,  clambered  into  their 
saddles  and  made  a  hurried  dash  for  the  command. 
This,  then,  was  what  had  routed  us  out  of  our  pleasant 
camp  and  sent  us  wandering  through  the  darkness  into 
the  foot-hills,  at  least  this  was  the  story  told  us  by  one 
of  the  sergeants  who  had  accompanied  the  scouting- 


2io    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

party.  It  was  evident  that  somewhere  in  the  hills  ahead 
of  us  there  was,  or  had  been,  a  considerable  body  of 
Indians,  and  without  doubt  our  efforts  were  now  to  be 
directed  to  rounding  them  up. 

While  we  had  been  listening  to  this  story  of  the  scout, 
we  had  allowed  our  pipe  to  go  out,  and  knocking  the 
ashes  from  the  bowl  we  stowed  the  pipe  away,  told 
the  men  not  on  post  to  go  to  sleep,  and  leaning  up 
against  a  stump  we  began  to  think  over  the  story  we  had 
heard,  and  were  just  putting  on  our  belts  preparatory 
to  making  the  rounds  of  the  picket  posts. 

"  Bang,  bang,  bang !" 

"What  the  devil  was  that?" 

"  Bang,  bang,  bang !" 

"There  it  goes  again  !" 

An  instant  later  and  the  officer  of  the  day  dashed  past, 
scurrying  and  stumbling  through  the  darkness  in  the 
direction  of  the  shots.  In  a  moment  the  whole  camp  was 
astir,  the  voices  of  the  first  sergeants  could  be  heard 
calling  out: 

"  Fall  in  there  lively,  men. " 

The  stable  guard  and  some  of  the  men  previously  in 
structed  hurried  about  among  the  horses,  quieting  and 
securing  them  against  a  stampede.  A  hasty  dash  through 
sage-brush  and  over  boulders  brought  the  officer  of 
the  day  and  the  sergeant  of  the  guard  to  one  of  the  most 
distant  of  the  outposts,  where  they  found  the  corporal 
in  charge  and  his  men,  carbine  in  hand,  stretched  on  the 
ground  and  peering  grimly  into  the  darkness. 

In  response  to  the  query,  "Who  fired  that  first  shot  ?" 
one  of  the  men,  a  veteran  of  a  dozen  campaigns,  rose 
to  his  feet  and  said: 

"I  did,  sir." 

"What  was  it  you  fired  at  ?"  was  the  next  question. 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon   Creek  211 

The  old  soldier  hesitated  for  a  moment  and  then  re 
plied  that  he  could  not  tell  for  certain,  but  that  it  looked 
very  much  to  him  like  a  mounted  man.  He  further  re 
ported  that  he  had  gone  on  post  at  twelve  o'clock  and 
for  some  time  walked  up  and  down,  but  that  it  finally 
occurred  to  him  that  the  country  in  his  front  was,  or 
might  be,  much  lower  than  his  post,  so  that  any  one 
approaching  from  the  outside  could  discover  him  be 
fore  he  could  even  hear  or  see  him.  With  this  thought  in 
mind  he  hunted  up  a  convenient  sage-bush  and  squatted 
down  behind  it. 

Just  how  long  he  had  been  in  this  position  he  could 
not  say,  but  all  at  once  he  heard  a  sharp  sound  as  of 
metal  striking  against  a  rock  somewhere  out  in  his 
front.  Reaching  back  he  woke  up  the  corporal,  who 
crept  to  his  side  and  the  two  listened  intently.  Suddenly 
they  both  heard  the  sound  again,  apparently  closer  than 
at  first.  The  men  on  this  outpost  were  all  wide-awake  by 
this  time  and  all  heard  the  sound  not  only  once  but  sev 
eral  times,  each  time  nearer  than  before.  He  was  just 
thinking  about  challenging  when  right  in  front  of  him, 
apparently  not  twenty  yards  away,  he  caught  sight  of  a 
dark  moving  object.  He  challenged  and  fired  almost  at 
the  same  instant.  The  corporal  and  one  of  the  men  of 
the  guard  saw  it  and  fired,  too.  When  the  smoke  cleared 
away  they  could  see  nothing,  but  could  hear  what  sound 
ed  like  hoof-beats  off  to  their  right,  but  before  they  had 
time  to  challenge  again  three  shots  were  fired  from  the 
next  post  to  them. 

There  was  no  use  to  make  a  search  at  this  time,  so 
the  officer  of  the  day  returned  to  camp  and  quietness 
again  reigned.  With  the  first  rays  of  the  coming  day 
light  the  officer  of  the  day  and  his  non-commissioned 
officer  of  the  guard  accompanied  by  a  couple  of  Crow 


212    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

scouts  crept  out  to  the  front  of  the  post  from  which  the 
shot  was  fired,  and  sure  enough,  not  thirty  yards  from 
the  post  they  found  the  tracks  and  could  follow  them 
around  the  line  of  bluffs  until  they  became  intermingled 
with  horse  and  mule  tracks  in  the  rear  of  our  camp. 

Leaving  camp  early  the  following  morning  we  soon 
reached  the  place  where  the  wounded  prospector  had 
been  left.  He  was  as  comfortable  as  could  be  expected. 
Here  we  slackened  girths  and  allowed  our  horses  to 
graze  while  the  surgeons  redressed  the  poor  fellow's 
wounds.  Some  of  the  men  busied  themselves  in  building 
a  rude  travois  or  stretcher  on  which  he  could  be  trans 
ported,  to  the  Mission,  for  it  was  the  Colonel's  deter 
mination  to  push  ahead  and  attempt  to  overhaul  the 
enemy.  There  were  several  prospectors  with  our  party, 
and  in  their  charge  we  left  their  wounded  comrade.  Half 
an  hour  later  he  passed  rearward  past  our  line  and  was 
on  the  back  trail  while  we  recinched  our  saddles,  filled 
our  canteens  and  advanced  into  the  mountains. 

That  night  we  made  our  camp  in  a  broad  valley  sur 
rounded  on  every  side  by  towering  hills.  Early  the  fol 
lowing  morning  we  were  in  the  saddle  and  away,  and 
about  noon  we  in  the  advance  were  surprised  at  dis 
covering  wheel  tracks  apparently  leading  farther  into 
the  mountains.  They  were  evidently  made  by  a  two- 
wheeled  cart  of  some  sort !  At  a  loss  to  understand  the 
presence  of  a  wheeled  vehicle  of  any  kind  in  this  wilder 
ness  we  pushed,  rolled,  stumbled  and  clambered  over 
a  spur  of  the  divide,  slid  down  on  the  other  side,  wan 
dered  in  and  out  among  the  valleys  for  an  hour  or  two 
and  suddenly  came  upon  a  broad  beaten  trail,  apparently 
not  many  hours  old. 

We  followed  this  trail  as  fast  as  the  exhausted  con 
dition  of  our  horses  would  permit,  and  that  night  went 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek  213 

into  camp  in  a  grove  of  scrub  pines  at  the  very  top  of  the 
range  and  right  alongside  the  trail.  Daybreak  the  next 
morning  found  us  in  the  saddle,  and  all  day  long  we 
clambered  up  one  side  of  a  mountain  only  to  slide  down 
the  other.  The  trail  was  growing  fresher  every  hour  and 
we  lost  all  sense  of  fatigue  and  hunger  in  the  excitement 
of  a  prospective  fight. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  the  trail  landed  us  at  what 
seemed  to  be  a  veritable  "jumping-off  place."  On  all 
sides  of  us  were  towering  mountains;  in  our  front  a  deep, 
precipitous  canon,  leading  apparently  into  the  very 
bowels  of  the  earth.  But  down  there  lay  the  trail  and 
down  there  we  were  bound  to  go,  so  swinging  from  our 
saddles,  we  grasped  our  bridle  reins,  and  slipping,  sliding 
and  stumbling  we  made  the  dangerous  descent  and 
finally  reached  what  appeared  to  be  the  bottom.  There 
before  us  winding  in  and  out  beneath  the  overhanging 
cliffs  was  the  now  narrowed  trail.  On  we  went  and  half 
a  mile  further  to  our  utter  surprise  we  came  upon  an 
abandoned  government  horse,  the  saddle  marks  scarcely 
dry  on  his  back.  There  was  only  one  solution  of  this: 
General  Howard  was  in  close  pursuit  of  the  Indians, 
and  his  command  had  passed  through  this  "devil's 
doorway"  only  a  short  time  ahead  of  us.  An  hour  later 
we  emerged  from  the  mountains  about  three  miles  above 
our  old  camp  at  Heart  Mountain. 

It  was  verging  on  twilight,  and  after  a  half  hour's 
march  down  the  valley  we  sighted  a  large  fire.  Fifteen 
minutes  later  General  Howard  rode  up  to  our  column, 
talked  for  a  few  moments  to  our  Colonel,  and  then  our 
command  swung  off  to  the  left  of  the  trail  and  we  were 
soon  in  camp.  After  our  very  frugal  supper  we  sought 
the  camp  of  the  other  command,  and  from  some  of  the 
scouts  we  learned  that  the  Indians  were  supposed  to  be 


214    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

at  least  fifty  miles  ahead  of  us,  apparently  fleeing  for  the 
British  Possessions,  and  that  the  horses  of  General 
Howard's  command  were  so  badly  exhausted  that  he 
had  almost  determined  to  abandon  the  chase.  We  knew 
our  old  Colonel  was  hopping  mad  that  the  savages  had 
outwitted  him,  and  as  we  returned  to  camp  we  heard 
the  old  veteran,  with  many  an  explosive  adjective,  de 
clare  that  he  would  overtake  those  Indians  before  they 
crossed  the  Missouri  River  if  he  had  to  go  afoot  and 
alone.  He  wound  up  his  impromptu  oration  with  an 
order  for  reveille  at  half  past  three  and  an  advance  at 
five  o'clock. 

We  were  not  long  in  making  up  our  minds  that  we 
were  in  for  some,  hard  times,  but,  soldier-like,  with  the 
prospect  of  a  fight  ahead,  we  didn't  care.  In  fact,  we  were 
glad  of  the  chance  to  get  at  Joseph's  band.  During  the 
night  General  Howard  selected  from  among  his  troops 
such  men  as  were  best  mounted  and  attached  to  them  a 
battery  of  mountain  howitzers,  or  a  "jackass"  battery 
as  we  were  wont  to  call  them,  arid  ordered  them  to  push 
forward  with  us. 

Half  past  three  found  us  up  and  stirring.  We  swal 
lowed  our  cup  of  weak  coffee  and  a  couple  of  flapjacks, 
tightened  our  belts  a  hole  or  two,  and  "hit  the  trail." 
Hardly  were  we  in  the  saddle  when  it  began  to  rain, 
not  a  good  hard  rain,  just  a  miserable  drizzle,  drizzle, 
drizzle.  But  the  Colonel's  blood  was  up  and  on  we  went, 
hour  after  hour,  with  only  the  briefest  halts  to  allow  our 
horses  a  breathing  spell.  Morning  merged  into  afternoon, 
afternoon  into  evening,  evening  into  darkest  night,  and 
still  we  marched.  About  three  o'clock  the  preceding 
afternoon  we  caught  a  last  glimpse  of  General  Howard's 
detachment  several  miles  in  our  rear.  Nine  o'clock,  ten 
o'clock,  eleven  o'clock,  and  still  no  signs  of  a  camp. 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon   Creek  215 

Almost  twelve  o'clock  and  the  old  Colonel  swung  him 
self  from  the  saddle  with  the  remark: 

"Well,  men,  we  will  camp  right  here. " 

Five  minutes  later  our  horses  were  unsaddled  and 
picketed  out  in  the  deep  grass  and  we  started  a  fire  at 
the  foot  of  a  cottonwood  log,  wrapped  ourselves  in  our 
wet  blankets  with  our  feet  to  the  fire  and  tried  to  sleep. 
As  we  dropped  into  a  doze  we  heard  the  adjutant 
say: 

"Sixty  miles  since  five  o'clock,  pretty  good  for  played- 
out  horses. " 

At  daybreak  the  camp  was  astir,  the  men  were  stiff 
and  tired,  rations  were  mighty  scarce,  and  the  men  not 
in  the  best  of  humor.  Making  the  best  of  it,  however, 
we  saddled  up,  and  half  an  hour  later  we  followed  the 
Indian  trail  across  the  ford,  halted  on  the  bank  and 
threw  ourselves  on  the  ground,  where  the  sun  soon 
thawed  us  out. 

A  few  moments  later  word  was  passed  down  the  line: 

"Unsaddle  where  you  are  and  put  your  horses  on 
lariat." 

So  the  chase  was  over;  the  Colonel  had  given  up. 
Springing  to  their  feet,  the  men  began  to  unsaddle. 
In  fact,  some  of  the  companies  were  already  leading  out 
to  herd  when  we  heard  a  shout  from  the  lower  end  of 
the  camp.  Looking  up  we  saw  Pawnee  Tom,  one  of  our 
best  scouts,  coming  down  the  valley  at  a  wild  gallop, 
yelling  "  Indians !  Indians !"  at  the  top  of  his  voice. 

Just  in  the  rear,  although  apparently  some  distance 
down  the  valley,  we  could  see  a  huge  column  of  smoke 
rolling  skyward.  In  an  instant  all  was  excitement. 
Officers  and  men  were  on  their  feet,  horses  were  hurried 
back  from  the  herds,  saddles  were  thrown  on,  and  in  a 
very  few  moments  the  first  and  second  battalions  under 


216    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Otis  and  Major  Merrill,  respect 
ively,  were  hurrying  off  down  the  valley. 

Pausing  only  long  enough  to  see  that  our  pack-train 
was  ready,  the  third  battalion  under  Captain  Benteen 
sprang  into  saddle,  and  taking  a  direction  almost  at 
right  angles  with  that  taken  by  the  other  two,  we  were 
all  racing  madly  away  for  the  front.  Apparently  by  in 
tuition,  Captain  Benteen  divined  that  the  Indians  were 
making  for  what  was  known  as  Canon  Creek. 

Ten  minutes'  ride  and  we  popped  over  the  top  of  the 
divide,  and  there,  sure  enough,  were  the  Indians.  They 
seemed  to  be  bunched  together  a  mile  or  two  away,  and 
were  pushing  forward  as  fast  as  they  possibly  could  for 
the  mouth  of  the  canon.  It  did  not  take  an  expert 
strategist  to  decide  that  unless  we  reached  the  canon  in 
advance  of  them,  they  would  escape  us  entirely.  Slacking 
only  long  enough  to  close  up  his  command,  Captain 
Benteen  moved  forward,  flankers  were  thrown  out  to 
ward  the  bluffs  and  the  race  was  on  in  earnest. 

On  we  went  at  a  mad  gallop.  The  Indians  seemed  to 
divine  our  purpose  and  redoubled  their  efforts.  For  a 
few  moments  it  was  doubtful  which  would  win.  An 
instant  later  and  our  flankers  were  assailed  with  a  mur 
derous  fire  from  the  bluffs,  and  we  realized  that  an  ad 
vance-party  of  the  Indians  were  in  the  canon  ahead  of 
us.  The  fire  was  so  fierce  that  our  men  were  compelled 
to  draw  away  from  the  hills  and  rejoin  the  main  body 
of  the  battalion.  It  was  apparent,  now,  that  our  only 
hope  lay  in  heading  off  the  main  body,  which  was  by 
this  time  dangerously  near  the  entrance  to  the  pass. 

On  we  galloped  and  a  little  later,  sheltered  from  the 
enemy  on  the  bluffs,  we  were  dismounting  in  a  deep 
ravine.  Our  loss  so  far  had  been  only  two  men.  Leaving 
our  horses  in  charge  of  the  horse  holders,  we  scrambled 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek  217 

up  the  bank,  deployed  as  skirmishers  and  were  soon 
hotly  engaged.  In  the  meantime,  so  far  as  we  could  see, 
the  other  two  battalions,  as  dismounted  skirmishers, 
were  moving  up  the  valley,  keeping  up  a  running  fight 
with  the  Indians.  Just  about  this  time  up  came  Lieu 
tenant  Otis  with  his  "jackass"  battery.  Pushing  well 
out  to  the  front  he  opened  fire  on  the  enemy,  apparently 
doing  considerable  damage.  By  this  time  the  first  and 
second  battalions  had  joined  us  and  the  fight  was  raging 
fiercely,  the  Indians  gradually  drawing  into  the  canon 
in  spite  of  our  efforts  to  restrain  them.  The  first  and 
second  battalions  had  been  pushed  out  toward  the  hills, 
and  from  the  incessant  firing  in  that  direction  we  knew 
they  had  their  hands  full. 

A  flank  movement  was  ordered  and  the  men  of  the 
third  battalion  hurried  to  their  horses,  mounted  and 
moved  out  of  the  sheltering  ravine.  Urging  their  tired 
steeds  into  a  gallop  they  pushed  up  the  valley  at  right 
angles  with  the  old  line  of  battle  and  toward  a  narrow 
canon,  the  plan  being  apparently  to  push  through  this, 
swing  around  to  the  right,  and  then  cooperate  with  the 
other  battalions  in  checking  the  advance  of  the  enemy 
into  the  canon.  Strange  to  say  not  a  shot  was  fired 
at  us. 

On  we  went  at  a  swinging  gallop  and  in  a  few  mo 
ments  entered  the  mouth  of  the  canon  and  were  just  at 
its  narrowest  part  when,  without  an  instant's  warning,  a 
dozen  or  more  rifle-shots  rang  out  from  the  cliffs  on  our 
right,  and  the  bullets  zipped  madly  past  our  ears  and 
buried  themselves  in  the  banks  on  the  farther  side  of  the 
canon.  We  at  the  head  of  the  column  put  spurs  to  our 
horses  and  were  soon  out  of  range. 

For  a  short  time  the  men  in  the  rear,  taken  unawares, 
came  near  losing  their  heads  j  in  fact,  one  or  two  of  the 


218    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

recruits  did  make  a  mad  dash  for  the  shelter  of  a  ravine, 
but  Captain  French  coming  up  with  M  Troop  checked 
any  disorder,  and  with  a  mad  cheer  the  men  rushed 
up  the  steep  hillside,  some  mounted,  some  dismounted, 
in  a  wild  effort  to  reach  the  enemy.  The  head  of  the 
column  soon  rejoined  the  charging  lines,  and  a  few 
moments  later  we  stood  on  the  top  of  the  plateau,  but 
not  an  Indian  was  in  sight. 

We  remained  here  for  a  few  moments  to  regain  our 
breath  and  permit  the  men  to  bring  up  their  horses  from 
below.  To  our  unbounded  surprise,  when  we  "took 
stock"  of  our  casualties,  we  found  that,  aside  from  one 
man  severely  wounded  and  one  horse  killed  and  another 
stampeded,  no  damage  had  been  done. 

Reforming  ranks,  we  moved  cautiously  across  the 
plateau  where,  leaving  our  horses,  we  crept  forward 
through  the  grass  and  sage-brush  until  we  could  peer 
down  into  the  valley  below  us.  In  a  ravine  some  three 
or  four  hundred  yards  from  where  we  were  we  could 
see  some  thirty  or  forty  Indians  huddled  together,  evi 
dently  in  a  conference  of  some  sort.  To  bring  our  car 
bines  to  the  front,  draw  bead  on  the  nearest  savage  and 
blaze  away  was  but  the  work  of  an  instant.  When  the 
smoke  cleared  away  all  we  could  see  were  two  flying 
Indians  galloping  madly  down  the  valley,  their  moc- 
casined  heels  playing  a  lively  tattoo  on  their  ponies' 
ribs.  Down  in  the  ravine  we  could  see  a  number  of 
inanimate  forms  and  struggling  ponies,  showing  that 
our  aim  had  not  been  altogether  faulty. 

Our  horses  were  now  brought  up,  and  with  skirmishers 
thrown  forward  and  well  out  on  either  flank  we  made 
our  way  cautiously  down  the  steep  hillside.  Scarcely 
were  we  in  the  valley  when  the  Indians  again  opened 
file  on  us  from  the  bluffs  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek  219 

valley  and  rendered  our  position  open  to  decided  ob 
jections.  Moving  up  the  valley  some  distance  we  dis 
mounted  behind  the  shelter  of  a  projecting  ledge  and 
engaged  the  enemy  whenever  opportunity  offered. 

Being  desirous  of  ascertaining  more  regarding  the 
movements  of  the  Indians  a  non-commissioned  officer 
and  a  couple  of  men  were  instructed  to  creep  to  the  top 
of  the  bluffs  and  secrete  themselves  as  best  they  could, 
keep  a  sharp  lookout  for  the  enemy  and  report  any 
decided  advance.  Very  reluctantly,  apparently,  the  men 
turned  their  horses  over  to  their  comrades,  and,  carbine 
in  hand,  left  the  shelter  of  the  friendly  ridge,  and  dodg 
ing,  creeping  and  running  they  made  their  way  across 
the  narrow  valley  and  clambered  up  the  sides  of  the 
steep  bluff. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  chill  Sep 
tember  winds  were  whistling  across  the  bleak  hilltops 
in  a  manner  suggestive  of  warm  fires  and  overcoats. 
Sheltered  from  sight  by  a  friendly  rock  or  two  the  men 
crouched  there  in  the  cold,  every  eye  intently  scanning 
the  surrounding  country  for  a  sign  of  the  approach  of 
the  enemy,  every  nerve  on  the  alert  for  the  faintest  in 
timation  of  danger,  and  though  an  occasional  redskin 
could  be  seen  on  the  distant  hilltops  and  an  occasional 
bullet  would  go  whizzing  past  or  flatten  itself  on  the 
rocks  in  front  of  them,  the  enemy  did  not  seem  disposed 
to  make  a  closer  acquaintance. 

Soon  the  sun  sank  behind  the  adjacent  hills;  a  few 
moments  later  the  bugles  sounded  the  "Recall,"  and  the 
men  of  the  battalion  were  hurrying  to  their  horses.  The 
way  the  little  detachment  slid  down  the  hill  to  join  them 
might  not  have  been  strictly  tactical,  but  it  accomplished 
the  desired  result.  Half  an  hour  later  we  were  in  camp 
near  the  first  and  second  battalions.  We  unsaddled 


22O   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  tried  to  make  out  a  meal  on  the  scrapings  of  our 
haversacks,  but  the  results  were  far  from  satisfactory. 
Over  at  the  hospital  the  surgeons  were  busy  at  their 
tasks,  and  the  camp  was  soon  quiet  and  peaceable. 

We  had  learned  that  there  was  to  be  an  advance  in 
the  morning,  so  that  we  were  not  surprised  when  at 
half  past  four  a  large  detachment  of  Crows,  who  had 
joined  us  during  the  night,  saddled  and  soon  disap 
peared  up  the  canon.  In  a  short  time  the  camp  was 
astir,  and  leaving  our  wounded  in  care  of  General 
Howard's  division,  which  was  to  remain  behind,  we 
went  up  the  valley  in  the  wake  of  the  Crows.  For  a  mile 
or  more  our  way  lay  up  the  gradually  narrowing  valley, 
then  the  trail  turned  abruptly  to  the  right  and  soon 
disappeared  midst  the  gullies,  ravines  and  canons  with 
which  the  hillsides  were  seamed.  The  farther  we  ad 
vanced,  the  more  clearly  we  realized  that  it  would  have 
been  utterly  impossible  for  us  to  have  forced  our  way 
through  here  against  even  fifty  well-armed  Indians. 
The  narrow  trail  surrounded  by  overhanging  ledges, 
flanked  by  deep  gorges,  towering  peaks  and  bottomless 
gullies,  made  a  passage  almost  impassable  in  face  of  a 
determined  enemy. 

After  an  hour  or  so  of  hard  climbing,  the  summit 
was  reached,  and  before  us,  stretching  away  for  miles, 
was  the  broad,  rolling  prairie.  Far  away  on  the  horizon 
we  could  catch  an  occasional  glimpse  of  the  Crows,  who 
were  apparently  eager  for  a  fight.  All  through  the  long 
afternoon  we  pushed  forward  with  scarcely  a  halt. 
Shortly  after  noon  a  courier  came  back  with  word  that 
our  allies  were  engaged  with  the  enemy  some  miles 
ahead.  Our  jaded  horses  were  spurred  on,  a  gleam  shot 
across  the  bronzed  faces  of  the  troopers  as  their  car 
bines  were  swung  within  easy  reach.  But  it  was  no  use, 


Seventh  Cavalry  at  Canon   Creek  221 

our  horses  were  not  equal  to  the  strain,  and  after  a  few 
miles  were  suffered  to  resume  their  old  gait. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  we  came  up  with  our  Crows, 
who  with  some  Shoshones  and  Bannocks  of  Howard's 
command,  had  kept  up  a  running  fight  with  the  enemy 
most  of  the  day,  and  several  scalps  and  a  considerable 
number  of  ponies  attested  the  fact  that  they  had  not 
had  entirely  the  worst  of  it. 

Tired  out  and  hungry,  we  at  last  went  into  camp  on 
the  banks  of  a  small  creek.  Our  rations  were  exhausted 
and  none  in  sight;  still  men  must  eat  to  live,  but  what  ? 
Evidently  the  men  were  not  long  in  making  up  their 
mind.  A  visit  to  a  neighboring  ravine,  two  or  three 
muffled  shots,  a  rush  of  soldiers,  and  fifteen  minutes 
later  hundreds  of  tiny  camp-fires  were  blazing  along  the 
banks,  and  the  men  with  much  joking  and  laughter  were 
making  themselves  acquainted  with  good  grass-fed 
pony  steaks  and  rib  roasts.  Terrible !  Well,  perhaps  it 
would  seem  so  now,  but  at  that  time  we  thought  we  had 
never  tasted  sweeter  meat. 

The  following  morning  we  made  a  breakfast  on  the 
remainder  of  our  pony  meat,  and  after  a  hard  day's 
march  went  into  camp  on  the  banks  of  the  Mussel  Shell. 
Our  stock  of  pony  meat  was  exhausted  and  that  night  we 
made  a  supper  on  "choke  cherries"  and  the  red,  tart 
"buffalo  berries"  which  lined  the  banks  of  the  river  in 
every  direction.  Hungry,  tired  and  discouraged,  it  was 
not  a  good-natured  crowd  to  say  the  least,  but  officers 
and  men  were  on  an  equal  footing.  As  time  went  on 
conditions  did  not  improve  at  all.  For  several  days  we 
pushed  ahead  on  the  trail  until  we  reached  a  point  where 
it  divided  into  innumerable  smaller  trails  and  there,  so 
far  as  our  regiment  was  concerned,  the  pursuit  was  aban 
doned  and  the  command  headed  for  Carroll  on  the 


222    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

Missouri  River,  to  replenish  our  supplies  from  the  boats 
that  had  succeeded  in  making  their  way  to  that  point. 
Scarcely  had  we  reached  this  point  when  news  came 
that  the  Indians  had  crossed  the  Missouri  at  or  near 
Cow  Island  and  were  advancing  to  the  British  line  as 
fast  as  their  ponies  could  take  them.  Leaving  behind 
all  dismounted  men  and  men  with  unserviceable  horses, 
the  regiment  was  put  across  the  river  and  hurried  off 
on  the  trail  of  the  enemy.  General  Howard's  command 
was  rushed  on  board  waiting  steamers  and  pushed  up  the 
river  for  the  purpose  of  following  the  trail  of  the  Indians 
wherever  it  might  lead. 


CHAPTER  FOURTEEN 

Anecdotes  of  Chief  Joseph  taken  from 

the  New  York  Sun  of  September 

24,  1904 

WITH  the  death  of  Chief  Joseph,  the  famous 
leader  of  the  Nez  Perces,  the  United  States 
has  lost  its  most  celebrated  Indian.  Joseph, 
since  the  death  of  Red  Cloud  and  Sitting 
Bull,  has  been  the  most  discussed  American  Indian. 
He  was  the  last  of  the  great  warrior  chiefs.  Descendant 
of  a  long  line  of  fighters,  chieftain,  since  early  manhood, 
of  the  Nez  Perce  tribe,  and  followed  with  constant  de 
votion  by  his  dwindling  people,  Chief  Joseph  was  the 
last  Indian  leader  who  dared  to  put  up  a  real  fight 
against  civilization;  and  in  his  desperate  Waterloo  he 
put  up  a  fight  that  gave  Gen.  Nelson  A.  Miles  and  Gen. 
O.  O.  Howard  all  they  could  do  to  nab  him  and  crush 
him  till  he  grimly  buried  the  hatchet.  Chief  Joseph  it 
was  who,  when  the  United  States  took  away  the  reser 
vation  given  him  and  his  people  by  grant,  brandished  a 
defiant  fist  and  after  years  of  peace  dragged  the  Govern 
ment  into  one  last  fierce  struggle  between  red  and  white, 
and  the  old  chief  came  out  of  it  blue,  but  silent.  When  he 
took  up  the  cause  of  his  little  band  again  it  was  with  the 
diplomacy  of  a  vanquished  man,  beaten  by  a  civilization 
which  finally  landed  him  in  a  half-dollar  show  at  Madi 
son  Square  Garden.  This  was  a  year  ago,  after  New 

223 


224.    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

York  society  had  fondled  the  old  chief  without  awakening 
in  him  any  enthusiasm.  Now  that  Chief  Joseph  is  dead, 
the  mantle  of  his  diluted  power  falls  to  his  son,  Flo-Cut, 
of  a  generation  which  knows  little  of  the  old-time  warfare. 

Red  Cloud,  perhaps,  was  the  most  famous  of  latter- 
day  Indians.  From  the  time  of  Red  Cloud's  death  Jo 
seph  typified  the  Indian  nation,  for  he  was  the  last  of 
the  really  great  chiefs.  No  one  knows  how  old  he  was, 
but  he  is  believed  to  have  approached  fourscore.  He 
died  near  Spokane,  in  the  little  reservation  set  by  for  his 
tribe  after  his  Waterloo  in  the  Bear's  Paw  Mountains, 
in  the  Yellowstone,  in  1877. 

For  twenty-five  years  Chief  Joseph  stayed  among 
his  people  quietly,  living  peacefully  in  the  reservation 
mapped  out  for  them  near  Spokane,  and  making  only 
one  long  journey  away,  when  he  visited  New  York  at  the 
time  of  the  Grant  celebration  in  1897.  To  General  Miles, 
who  afterward  became  his  close  friend,  and  who  always 
calls  him  "The  Napoleon  of  Indians,"  Joseph  had  said: 
"From  where  the  sun  now  stands  I  fight  no  more 
against  the  whites."  And  his  word  was  kept. 

But  a  little  over  a  year  ago  the  Indians  grew  suspicious 
of  the  near-approaching  homes  of  the  whites,  and  the 
old  chief,  stung  by  the  fear  of  another  order  to  "  move 
on,"  journeyed  to  Washington  to  petition  the  President 
to  regrant  them  the  Wallowa  Valley  in  Oregon.  But 
official  deeds  of  right  and  the  long  unquestioned  holding 
of  property  by  white  settlers  in  the  Oregon  Valley  made 
intricate  difficulties  loom  up  on  the  legal  horizon,  and 
Chief  Joseph  finally  dropped  his  plea.  It  is  thought 
that  General  Miles,  his  victor  and  his  champion,  was 
chiefly  instrumental  in  persuading  the  old  chief  that  he 
and  his  people  would  be  safe  in  their  Washington  home, 
where  he  died  Thursday,  September  22,  1904. 


Anecdotes  of  Chief  Joseph      225 

The  chief's  first  visit  to  New  York,  in  1897,  was  in  the 
nature  of  a  tribute  to  the  man  who  had  granted  his  tribe 
the  reservation  afterward  wrested  from  them.  Joseph 
had  gone  to  Washington  on  business,  and  General  Miles 
suggested  to  him  that  he  go  to  New  York  and  join  the 
Grant  celebration.  The  old  chief,  however,  was  too 
poor  to  take  the  additional  trip,  though  he  said  he 
would  like  to,  and  when  he  did  come  it  was  as  the 
guest  of  Colonel  Cody,  or,  as  he  was  invariably  known 
to  the  chief,  Buffalo  Bill. 

Chief  Joseph  participated  in  the  parade  at  the  dedica 
tion  of  Grant's  Tomb,  and  at  this  time  much  discussion 
was  caused  by  a  report  that  he  had  refused  to  ride  near 
General  Howard.  In  line  with  the  talk  caused  by  this 
alleged  action  there  was  a  revival  of  the  controversy  in 
regard  to  the  amount  of  credit  relatively  due  to  Miles 
and  Howard  for  the  victory  over  the  chief  in  the  Yel 
lowstone  so  many  years  before. 

While  in  New  York  on  this  visit  the  big  chief  stayed 
at  the  Astor  House,  and  he  appeared  there  in  full  regalia, 
shortening  the  breath  of  the  less  outre  guests.  He  wore 
his  enormous  head-dress,  his  most  astonishing  mark  of 
distinguishment,  and  it  caused  more  craning  of  Astor 
House  necks  than  anything  else  about  him.  Joseph, 
however,  wasn't  at  all  daunted,  and  had  his  own  opinion 
about  some  New  York  arrangements  of  the  head,  though 
he  didn't  say  anything  to  indicate  this  until  one  after 
noon  in  an  Indian  exhibition  camp  in  South  Brooklyn, 
where  he  had  gone  to  rest  after  he  had  looked  at  New 
York  till  he  was  tired. 

Here  he  was  visited  by  a  young  woman  who  was  dressed 
to  impress  and  had  a  store  of  slated  questions  to  ask. 

"Did  you  ever  scalp  anybody  ?"  she  inquired.  Chief 
Joseph  pondered  a  moment  and  then  turned  to  the 


226    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

interpreter.  "Tell  her,"  he  said,  pointing  at  the  combi 
nation  aviary  and  garden  on  her  head,  "that  I  have  noth 
ing  in  my  collection  as  fine  as  that. " 

When  he  returned  to  New  York  again  he  took  a  trip 
to  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  with  two  or  three  of  his  ad 
mirers  and  had  his  first  experience  with  a  modern  bar. 
A  fat  whisky  glass  was  procured  and  filled  to  the  brim. 
The  chief,  with  his  usual  taciturnity,  lifted  the  glass  and 
swallowed  its  contents  with  one  wonderful  gulp. 

When,  a  year  ago,  he  came  East  for  the  second  time, 
he  was  entertained  at  the  White  House  and  also  in  the 
Washington  home  of  General  and  Mrs.  Miles,  and  a 
little  later  he  came  on  to  New  York.  His  utter  taciturnity 
always  made  it  impossible  to  know  whether  he  was 
pleased  with  anything  or  not,  but  his  voluntary  trip  to 
the  metropolis  on  this  visit  seemed  to  indicate  that  he  had 
enjoyed  his  first  experience.  Now  he  was  made  a  tem 
porary  pet  in  society,  and  later  astonished  his  enter 
tainers  by  consenting  to  join  Cummins's  Indian  Con 
gress  and  Life  on  the  Plains  during  that  show's  exhibition 
at  Madison  Square  Garden.  After  it  was  over  he  re 
turned  to  his  reservation,  and  remained  on  it  till  he  ex 
changed  it  for  the  happy  hunting-grounds. 

Chief  Joseph  was  famous  for  his  face  and  figure.  He 
was  tall,  straight  as  an  arrow  and  wonderfully  hand 
some,  his  features  being  as  clear-cut  as  chiseled  marble. 
He  never  spoke  a  word  of  English,  but  some  of  his  say 
ings,  translated,  have  become  famous.  He  used  to  say: 
"Look  twice  at  a  two-faced  man";  "Cursed  be  the  hand 
that  scalps  the  reputation  of  the  dead";  "The  eye  tells 
what  the  tongue  would  hide  " ; "  Fire  water  courage  ends  in 
trembling  fear";  "Big  name  often  stands  on  small  legs"; 
"Finest  fur  may  cover  toughest  meat";  "When  you  get 
the  last  word  with  an  echo  you  may  do  so  with  a  squaw. " 


PART  II 
The  Modoc  War 


CHAPTER  ONE 

In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires 

A  Tragedy  of  the  Far  Northwest 
By  Dr.  Brady 

THE  most  costly  war  in  which  the  United  States 
ever  engaged,  considering  the  number  of  op 
ponents,  occurred  in  the  winter  of  1872-73  in 
the  lava-beds  of  Oregon.  Fifty  Modoc  *  In 
dians,  under  the  leadership  of  one  Kientpoos  —  com 
monly  known  as  Captain  Jack,  held  that  pedregal 
against  overwhelming  numbers  of  regular  soldiers  upon 
whom  they  inflicted  defeat  after  defeat  with  little  loss 
to  themselves.  They  were  not  captured  until  treachery 
had  played  its  maleficent  part.  To  understand  this  tre 
mendous  drama  a  knowledge  of  the  first  act  is  essential. 

In  September,  1852,  an  emigrant  train,  comprising  six 
ty-five  men,  women  and  children,  was  making  its  way 
northward  into  the  lake  region  of  southern  Oregon. 

The  California-Oregon  trail  led  between  Lower  Kla- 
math  and  Tule  Lakes.  Huge  bluffs  several  hundred 
feet  high  approached  nearly  the  shore  of  Tule  Lake, 
leaving  a  narrow  road  between  the  cliffs  and  the  water. 
There  the  emigrant  party  mentioned  was  overwhelmed 
by  Modoc  Indians  led  by  old  Schonchin.  The  Modocs 

*  According  to  some  etymologies,  the  word  means  a  stranger. 
229 


230    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

closed  both  ends  of  the  trail  and  attacked  from  the  bluffs. 
The  settlers  fought  bravely,  but  to  no  avail.  Those  not 
killed  were  captured  and  tortured  to  death  with  every 
device  of  savage  malignity.  One  man,  desperately 
wounded,  and  left  for  dead,  escaped  to  tell  the  tale.  Two 
girls  of  twelve  and  fourteen  were  spared.  The  massacre 
of  Bloody  Point  long  remained  a  ghastly  memory  on  the 
frontier. 

This  affair  was  the  culmination  of  a  series  of  unpar 
alleled  atrocities.  The  magnitude  of  this  latest  massacre, 
however,  begot  stern  determination  for  revenge.  One 
Ben  Wright,  a  man  of  influence  and  standing  in  Cali 
fornia,  led  a  body  of  volunteers  in  pursuit  of  the  Modocs. 
The  Indians  eluded  him,  and  he  was  unable  to  bring 
them  to  a  stand  in  order  to  crush  them.  Failing  that  he 
resorted  to  a  stratagem  —  which  was  treachery  of  the 
deepest  dye.  He  sent  messengers  to  the  Modocs  with 
propositions  of  peace.  They  agreed  to  his  proposition, 
that  Schonchin  and  his  principal  warriors  should  meet 
the  settlers  for  a  peace  conference  at  a  point  on  the  shore 
of  the  lake  across  from  Bloody  Point,  both  sides  being 
unarmed.  There  was  to  be  an  armistice,  each  party  was 
to  come  and  go  freely,  unharmed  of  the  other.  It  is  al 
leged  that  Wright  mixed  strychnine  with  food  which  he 
prepared  for  a  peace  feast,  hoping  to  poison  the  whole 
party.  Two  reasons  are  given  for  the  failure  of  this  en 
terprise.  One,  the  Modocs  refused  to  eat;  two,  the 
strychnine  proved  to  be  innocuous.* 

At  any  rate,  out  of  conflicting  stories  one  thing  is  clear. 

Some  forty-six  Modocs  attended  this  conference. 
Schonchin  was  kept  from  it  by  illness,  but  his  sub-chiefs 
and  principal  men  were  present.  Wright's  men  were 

*  Perhaps  the  person  who  sold  it  may  have  tricked  the  purchaser,  being  unwilling 
to  further  such  wholesale  assassination. 


Attack  on  Modoc  Camp  by  Major  Jackson — First  Blow 


Colonel  John  Green,  U.  S.  A.  Colonel  W.  H.  Boyle,  U.  S.  A. 


General  Oscar  F.  Long,  U.  S.  A., 
retired. 


General  George  H.  Burton, 
Inspector  General,  U.  S.  A., 
retired. 

Officers  of  the  Modoc  War 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  231 

armed,  the  Modocs  were  not.  Giving  a  signal,  Wright 
whipped  out  his  pistol  and  shot  the  nearest  Indian  dead. 
In  five  minutes  after  the  firing  began  forty-one  guests 
of  this  Red  Abencerrages  feast  lay  dead.  Five  escaped, 
among  them  the  younger  brother  of  the  chief,  named 
Schonchin  John. 

It  is  true  the  Modocs  had  been  guilty  of  numberless 
outrages.  They  had  waged  war  in  a  cruel  and  unjusti 
fiable  manner,  from  the  civilized  standpoint,  although 
quite  in  consonance  with  their  savage  customs.  The 
settlers  were  justly  exasperated,  yet  there  was  no  excuse 
for  the  ineffable  treachery  of  assassination  under  a  flag 
of  truce.  Yet  public  opinion,  highly  wrought  as  it  was, 
fully  sustained  Wright  and  his  men.  The  chief  murderer 
was  acclaimed  a  popular  hero  and  was  subsequently 
made  Indian  Agent  —  for  having  shown  that  he  pos 
sessed  qualities  which  enabled  him  to  deal  successfully 
with  the  red  men,  I  presume !  He  was  killed  by  the  In 
dians  a  few  years  later. 

The  lesson  was  a  severe  one  to  the  Indians.  The  power 
of  the  Modocs  was  broken.  They  remained  defiant,  but 
their  capacities  for  further  mischief  were  greatly  im 
paired.  They  remembered  the  transaction,  however,  and 
it  bore  bitter  fruit  in  the  end. 

In  1864  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Modocs  by  which 
they  agreed  to  go  upon  the  reservation,  which  had  been 
set  apart  for  the  La-la-kes,  or  Klamaths,  and  themselves. 
The  treaty  was  not  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate 
until  1869.  One  or  two  minor  alterations  were  made  in 
it  before  the  ratification,  and  the  Modocs  saw  in  these 
changes  an  excuse  for  complying  with  its  provisions. 
The  main  body  of  them  under  old  Schonchin  finally 
accepted  the  treaty  and  went  on  the  reservation.  Cap 
tain  Jack,  one  of  the  head  chiefs,  with  a  band  numbering 


232    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

about  a  score  of  warriors  with  their  women  and  children, 
Curly-headed  Doctor,  one  of  his  sub-chiefs,  Hooker 
Jim,  and  others,  with  small  groups  of  followers,  proved 
recalcitrant.  They  were  finally  induced  to  go  on  the 
reservation,  there  to  meet  with  bitter  persecution  from 
the  malicious  and  overbearing  Klamaths  who  greatly 
exceeded  them  in  numbers. 

Jack  protested  to  the  Indian  agents  who,  instead  of 
requiring  the  Klamaths  to  leave  the  Modocs  in  peace, 
moved  them  from  one  part  of  the  reservation  to  another. 
This  happened  several  times  until  the  Modocs  finally 
grew  desperate.  They  refused  to  stay  on  the  reservation 
any  longer  and  migrated  to  their  old  home  in  the  Lost 
River  region,  a  country  teeming  with  game  and  fish. 
Having  accepted  the  treaty  they  had  no  right  there,  of 
course,  and  the  section  was  rapidly  filling  with  settlers 
who  resented  their  presence.  But  they  had  been  hardly 
dealt  with;  the  Government  had  given  them  no  protec 
tion  on  the  reservation.  They  had  been  moved  from 
pillar  to  post,  and  had  never  remained  long  enough  in 
one  stay  to  make  a  crop  —  even  the  poor  crop  of  the 
Indian.  Wherever  they  had  been  sent  the  Klamaths 
had  followed  them  and  had  made  life  a  burden  for 
them.  No  other  reservation  was  proposed  to  them.  They 
naturally  went  back  to  the  land  of  their  fathers. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  they  were  a  drunken,  dis 
solute,  disreputable  lot.  Just  a  sordid,  squalid,  degraded 
band  of  homeless,  wretched  Indians.  They  frightened 
the  women  and  children,  and  worried  and  annoyed  the 
settlers,  although  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  resorted 
to  open  violence.  The  situation,  however,  was  plainly 
impossible.  Something  had  to  be  done. 

The  commander  of  the  Department  was  Gen.  Edward 
S.  Canby,  a  soldier  of  forty  years'  experience,  distin- 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  233 

guished  in  three  wars,  familiar  with  Indian  affairs, 
well-disposed  toward  his  red  brethren,  a  just  and 
upright  man  of  the  highest  qualities.  The  matter  could 
not  have  been  committed  to  better  hands.  Asserting  that 
the  Modocs  had  been  unjustly  and  harshly  treated,  he 
deprecated  the  employment  of  force  against  them.  He 
hoped  to  effect  a  settlement  of  the  difficulties  by  peace 
able  methods.  In  spite  of  every  effort  the  trouble  grew, 
until  it  culminated  in  a  formal  request  from  the  local 
Indian  Agent  upon  Maj.  John  Green  of  the  First  Cav 
alry,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Klamath,  made  at  the 
instance  of  the  Interior  Department,  that  the  Modocs 
be  put  on  the  reservation,  "peaceably  if  you  can,  forcibly 
if  you  must. "  Major  Green  despatched  Capt.  James 
Jackson  with  some  forty  troopers  to  Jack's  camp  on 
Lost  River,  a  few  miles  above  Tule  Lake. 

Jackson  had  orders  to  arrest  Captain  Jack  and  several 
of  his  companions  for  the  murder  of  an  Indian  medi 
cine-man  whom  Jack  had  shot  on  the  reservation  be 
cause  he  had  failed  to  cure  the  chief's  ailing  children 
—  a  summary  way  to  pay  a  doctor's  bill !  Jack  and 
Schonchin  John  with  fourteen  men  and  their  women  and 
children  were  encamped  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  a 
deep,  rapid  stream  some  three  hundred  feet  broad.  On 
the  other  side  were  Hooker  Jim  and  Curly-headed 
Doctor,  with  fourteen  warriors  and  others.  Twelve 
citizens  had  been  apprised  of  Captain  Jackson's  move 
ment,  and  they  came  down  on  the  east  side  to  intercept 
any  Indians  who  might  retreat  across  it,  thus  cooperat 
ing  with  the  soldiers.  Leaving  Fort  Klamath  on  the 
morning  of  November  28,  1872,  after  a  hard  all-night 
march  through  a  pouring  rain,  Jackson  reached  the 
Indian  camp  at  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth. 

In   his   own   expressive   language   he   "jumped   the 


234    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

camp. "  The  Indians,  unsuspicious,  knew  nothing  of  his 
presence  until  they  were  ordered  to  surrender.  They 
all  came  out  of  their  tepees  except  Jack,  and  a  parley 
began.  The  soldiers  ordered  the  Modocs  to  disarm.  One 
particularly  bold  savage,  named  Scar-faced  Charley, 
whose  father  had  been  killed  by  the  whites  —  lassoed 
and  hung  before  his  son's  eyes  —  refused  to  give  up  his 
weapon,  and  others  followed  his  example.  Jackson  or 
dered  Lieutenant  Boutelle  to  take  a  squad  of  men  and 
arrest  him.  Boutelle  started  toward  the  Indians  and  the 
battle  began.  It  is  asserted  that  Scar-faced  Charley  fired 
first,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  officer  and  the  savage 
fired  simultaneously.  At  any  rate,  the  soldiers  poured 
in  a  volley,  the  Indians  snatched  up  their  guns  and  re 
turned  it,  and  then  ran  to  the  hills  seeking  concealment 
in  the  timbers  and  undergrowth  on  the  bank  of  the  river, 
from  which  they  stoutly  engaged  the  soldiers. 

At  the  first  shot  Captain  Jack  came  out  of  his  tent  and 
took  charge  of  the  defense.  Meanwhile,  the  citizens  en 
gaged  the  party  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  and  were 
badly  worsted.  Captain  Jackson  lost  one  man  killed  and 
seven  wounded.  Three  citizens  were  shot  down.  In  all 
fifteen  Indians  were  killed,  some  of  them  being  women 
and  children.  After  fighting  for  about  an  hour,  Jackson 
became  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  whipping  the 
Indians  with  his  small  force.  Boats  were  at  hand  and 
the  troops  withdrew  across  the  river.  Leaving  his  wound 
ed  under  a  strong  guard  at  Crawley's  Ranch,  Jackson  re- 
crossed,  found  the  Indians  gone,  burned  their  camp  and 
retired.  Meanwhile,  Hooker  Jim's  band  had  also  escaped. 

Jack  retired  post-haste  to  the  lava-beds.  He  molested 
no  one  on  his  retreat.  Hooker  Jim  and  his  followers 
killed  everybody  they  met,  in  all  some  seventeen  set 
tlers.  They  did  not  molest  any  women.  After  this  bloody 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  235 

raid  they  joined  Captain  Jack  in  the  lava-beds.  Col. 
Frank  Wheaton,  commander  of  the  district,  repaired  to 
the  scene  of  the  action  at  once.  The  nearest  available 
troops  (detachments  of  the  First  Cavalry  andTwenty-first 
Infantry)  were  sent  to  him  together  with  two  companies 
of  Oregon  militia  and  one  from  California.  In  all,  his 
force  numbered  over  four  hundred  men. 

On  Hot  Creek,  an  affluent  of  Lower  Klamath  Lake, 
another  band  of  Modocs  dwelt.  Some  of  these  broke 
away  and  joined  the  defiant  in  the  lava-beds,  so  that 
Jack's  force  was  increased  to  fifty  warriors  and  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  women  and  children.  They  were 
well  supplied  with  ammunition  and  food.  They  boasted 
that  with  the  natural  advantages  of  the  lava-beds  they 
could  whip  a  thousand  soldiers,  a  statement  which  was 
literally  true,  but  which  was  laughed  to  scorn  at  the  time. 
The  fight  they  put  up,  whatever  be  their  character, 
awakened  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

These  lava-beds  are  among  the  most  peculiar  natural 
formations  on  the  continent.  They  are  a  mass  of  volcanic 
debris  included  in  a  territory  about  eight  miles  long  and 
four  miles  wide.  The  formation  is  thus  described  by 
Captain  Lydecker  of  the  United  States  Engineers,  who 
surveyed  and  mapped  it. 

"They  present  the  appearance  on  first  view  of  an 
immense  sage-bush  plain,  with  no  obstructions  to  easy 
movement  in  every  direction.  A  closer  examination, 
however,  develops  the  fact  that  the  plain  is  broken  at 
irregular  intervals  by  sections  of  low,  rocky  ridges.  The 
ridges  are  not  isolated,  but  occur  in  groups,  and  form  a 
perfect  network  of  obstructions,  admirably  adapted  to  a 
defense  by  an  active  enemy;  they  seldom  rise  to  a  height 
often  feet  above  the  bed,  and  are,  as  a  rule,  split  open  at 
the  top,  giving  thus  continuous  cover  along  their  crests." 


236    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

Transversal  crevices  furnished  excellent  communica 
tion  through  which  the  Indians  were  enabled  to  pass 
from  one  ridge  to  another  without  the  least  exposure. 
Only  a  few  of  these  cross  passages  and  unseen  posi 
tions,  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  requirements  of  free  com 
munication,  were  left  open  by  the  Indians  in  that  series 
of  ridges  which  made  up  "Jack's  Stronghold/'  The 
rest  were  in  all  cases  blockaded  by  rolling  in  heavy 
stones. 

The  Modocs  were  familiar  with  every  foot  of  it.  None 
of  the  soldiers  and  few  of  the  settlers  had  ever  entered 
it;  certainly,  none  of  them  had  explored  it.  The  ridge 
formation  was  not  continuous.  It  broke  out  in  spots 
separated  by  wide  open  places  comparatively  level,  al 
though  the  ground  was  everywhere  terribly  rocky  and 
uneven.  These  open  places,  however,  were  cut  up  by 
deep,  impassable  ravines  and  pitted  with  holes  or  pock 
ets.  There  was  no  way  to  tell  the  existence  of  a  ravine 
or  pocket,  until  one  stood  on  the  very  brink  of  it. 

During  the  campaign  there  were  numerous  small 
skirmishes  for  the  description  of  which  space  is  lacking. 
On  the  morning  of  January  17,  1873,  a  heavy  fog  lying 
low  on  the  pedregal,  the  first  effort  at  dislodgment 
began.  The  troops  started  out  gleefully,  shouting  that 
they  would  have  "Modoc  steak"  for  breakfast.  "A 
more  enthusiastic,  jolly  set  of  regulars  and  volunteers 
I  never  had  the  honor  to  command.  If  the  Modocs  will 
only  try  to  make  good  their  boast  to  whip  a  thousand 
soldiers  all  will  be  satisfied,"  wrote  Colonel  Wheaton, 
two  days  before. 

The  soldiers  fought  all  day  and  scarcely  saw  a  Modoc. 
They  stumbled  blindly  forward  over  rocks,  ranging  in 
size  from  a  cobble  to  a  church,  with  points  like  needles 
and  edges  like  razors.  From  the  most  unexpected  places 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  237 

would  come  a  spit  of  fire,  followed  by  the  crack  of  a 
rifle  or  musket.  Somebody  generally  received  the  bullet. 
The  soldiers  fired  volleys  at  the  ridges  and  did  not  hit  a 
single  Indian.  Their  courage  was  of  the  highest  order. 
They  scrambled  forward  over  the  rocks,  blazing  away 
at  every  rifle  flash,  fearlessly  exposing  themselves, 
traversing  impassable  ravines,  in  a  desperate  endeavor 
to  come  at  close  quarters  with  the  enemy,  and  all  to  no 
avail.  The  Modocs  had  made  good  their  boast! 

When  evening  came  the  troops  withdrew  to  their 
camps  on  the  shores  of  the  lake — they  had  attacked 
the  stronghold  from  both  sides  —  utterly  discomfited, 
with  a  loss  of  nine  killed  and  thirty  wounded.  The  in 
fantry  battalion  under  Major  Mason  lost  nearly  one- 
fourth  of  its  strength,  the  loss  among  the  volunteers  was 
Trifling.  Captain  Perry  and  Lieutenants  Kyle  and  Rob 
erts  were  wounded.  If  the  Modocs  had  been  better  shots 
the  loss  would  have  been  vastly  greater.  Thereafter, 
Colonel  Wheaton  stated  that  he  would  require  at  least  a 
thousand  men  with  mortars  and  other  artillery  to  dis 
lodge  the  little  Modoc  band  from  its  position.  He  and 
other  experienced  officers  declared  that  they  had  never 
seen  a  position  so  thoroughly  defensible,  so  impossible 
of  successful  attack,  as  the  lava-beds.  The  soldiers,  no 
longer  cheerful,  were  in  a  state  of  complete  exhaustion. 
Their  shoes  were  cut  to  ribbons,  their  uniforms  in  rags, 
their  ammunition  expended,  their  spirits  depressed  by 
the  hardships  and  struggles  of  the  long  and  fruitless  day. 
Wheaton  had  done  his  best  with  the  means  at  his  com 
mand.  Neither  he  nor  his  men  had  dreamed  of  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation. 

He  was  superseded,  however,  and  Col.  A.  C.  Gillem, 
First  Cavalry,  was  ordered  into  the  field.  Reinforce 
ments  were  hurried  to  him  until  the  thousand  men 


238    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

required  were  present.  General  Canby  then  took  com 
mand  in  person.  It  was  thought  best,  before  proceed 
ing  further,  to  try  the  effect  of  negotiations.  A  Peace 
Commission  was  created  charged  with  their  conduct. 
From  a  humanitarian  standpoint  there  can  be  no  ques 
tion  as  to  the  propriety  of  this  course.  To  the  Indian  an 
offer  to  negotiate  is  a  confession  of  weakness.  The 
Modocs  concluded  that  the  white  soldiers  were  afraid  of 
them. 

The  United  States  demanded  that  the  Indians  go  back 
on  the  reservation  and  that  the  men,  headed  by  Curly- 
headed  Doctor  and  Hooker  Jim,  who  had  killed  the 
settlers  after  Captain  Jackson's  unsuccessful  "jump" 
of  the  Modoc  camp,  should  be  surrendered  for  trial  as 
murderers.  It  is  true  they  had  shot  down  inoffensive  men, 
yet  the  first  act  of  hostility  had  come  from  the  soldiers 
and  the  little  band  of  settlers  who  had  attacked  them  on 
Lost  River.  Jack  had  not  participated  in  this  slaughter, 
yet  to  have  given  up  these  men  would  have  been  a  lasting 
disgrace  in  his  eyes.  He  refused  to  surrender  them, 
naturally.  He  demanded  a  complete  amnesty  and  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  as  his  conditions  of  peace.  He 
professed  willingness  to  go  upon  the  reservation,  but  he 
wanted  to  choose  his  own.  Several  localities  that  he  sug 
gested  were  regarded  as  impracticable.  Finally,  he  pro 
posed  the  lava-beds.  Such  a  thing  could  not  be  thought 
of.  The  United  States  was  not  ready  to  name  any  definite 
reservation.  They  offered  to  place  Jack  and  his  people 
on  Angel  Island  in  San  Francisco  Bay,  and  thereafter 
to  transport  them  to  some  suitable  reservation  as  might 
be  desired. 

Jack  promptly  refused  this  proposition.  The  Lost 
River  country  was  his  home  and  he  wanted  to  stay  there. 
For  one  thing  the  wily  chief  was  playing  for  time.  The 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  239 

negotiations  were  terribly  protracted.  Meanwhile,  he 
had  tried  in  vain  to  induce  the  other  Indians  to  join 
forces  with  him,  especially  the  main  body  of  the  Modocs 
on  the  reservation  under  old  Schonchin.  Failing  in  that, 
he  was  inclined  toward  peace,  ultimately,  if  he  could  get 
it  on  his  own  terms.  The  majority  of  his  warriors  were 
clamorous  for  war.  Boston  Charley  professed  to  be  able 
to  make  medicine  which  would  protect  the  Modocs  from 
the  soldiers'  bullets.  He  pointed  out  the  fact  that  none 
of  them  had  been  killed  in  the  recent  attack  as  proof  of 
his  claims.  Jack  was  a  man  of  much  native  shrewdness 
and  he  realized  what  the  end  of  the  little  handful  of 
Indians  would  be.  He  stood  out  for  a  settlement  as  best 
he  could.  There  were  scenes  of  intense  dramatic  interest 
in  the  lava-beds.  Finally,  the  warriors  put  a  woman's 
hat  and  shawl  on  their  chief  and  called  him  a  squaw. 
This  insult,  and  his  inability  to  agree  upon  anything 
definite  with  the  commissioners,  broke  down  his  de 
termination.  He  tore  off  the  offensive  garments  and  de 
clared  that  if  the  band  wanted  war  they  should  have  it 
with  a  vengeance. 

The  first  step  resolved  upon  was  the  murder  of  the 
commissioners  and  the  commanders  of  the  soldiers.  The 
commission  had  been  variously  constituted  at  different 
times,  but  at  present  included  General  Canby,  whose 
function  was  of  an  advisory  nature;  Colonel  Gillem;  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Eleazer  Thomas,  a  Methodist  minister,  a  man 
of  the  deepest  piety  and  widely  known  as  a  friend  of  the 
Indians;  the  Hon.  A.  B.  Meacham,  formerly  an  Indian 
Agent,  who  was  also  famed  for  his  just  treatment  of  these 
very  Modocs  who  knew  him  well,  and  Mr.  L.  S.  Dyer, 
another  Indian  Agent  of  character  and  standing. 

The  Modoc  stronghold  was  in  the  center  of  the  north 
line  of  the  lava-beds,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from 


240    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 


^\WHE£UOTX.>  jf  ta 


Sin  aT  < 

a.<«/)or>cni_.oou-<-' 

rH        *<V»  O    TJ  IO    VO   *L  80    <?\ 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  241 

Tule  Lake.  Jack  had  roughly  fortified  his  position  by 
joining  several  ravines  by  rudely  made  stone  walls,  and 
by  filling  some  of  the  exits  and  entrances  with  huge 
boulders,  rolled  into  the  crevices  with  prodigious  labor. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  lava-beds  near  the  lake  front, 
about  two  miles  from  the  stronghold,  Major  Mason's 
men  were  posted.  About  the  same  distance  on  the  west, 
General  Canby  had  his  headquarters  with  the  main 
body  under  Colonel  Gillem.  About  three-quarters  of  a 
mile  from  headquarters  the  peace  tent  had  been  pitched 
under  the  shadow  of  a  bluff,  a  short  distance  from  the 
lake  shore.  Meacham  and  others  had  visited  Jack  in  the 
lava-beds  during  the  negotiations,  and  various  Modocs 
had  returned  these  visits  to  Gillem's  and  Mason's  camps. 
There  had  been  a  rather  free  exchange  of  courtesies  and 
calls. 

After  he  had  decided  upon  treachery,  Jack  requested 
that  the  five  commissioners  with  Riddle,  a  squaw-man, 
who  had  married  a  Modoc  woman  named  Toby,  and 
who  acted  as  interpreter,  should  meet  an  equal  number 
of  the  Modocs  at  the  council  tent  for  final  conference, 
both  parties  to  come  unarmed.  The  meeting  was  agreed 
upon,  but  before  it  took  place  it  was  reported  from  the 
signal-station  on  the  bluffs  back  of  Gillem's  camp,  from 
which  the  peace  tent  was  in  full  view,  that,  in  addition 
to  the  six  Modocs  who  were  of  the  council  party,  some 
twenty  armed  warriors  were  concealed  in  near  by  ravines. 
The  commissioners  refused  to  go  to  the  meeting.  They 
were  not  surprised  at  this  evidence  of  bad  faith. 

Undeterred  by  this  another  meeting  was  arranged 
under  the  same  conditions.  So  confident  was  Riddle,  an 
unusually  intelligent  man,  that  treachery  was  intended, 
that  he  remonstrated  personally  with  each  member  of 
the  commission.  Meacham  and  Dyer  agreed  with  him 


242    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

that  the  meeting  should  be  declined,  and  urged  the  two 
officers  and  Dr.  Thomas  to  refuse  it.  General  Canby 
realized  the  danger.  He  did  not  doubt  that  the  Indians 
desired  to  murder  the  commissioners.  He  did  not  be 
lieve,  however,  that  they  would  be  so  short-sighted  as  to 
commit  an  act  which  would  inevitably  bring  summary 
punishment  upon  them.  In  any  event  he  felt  that  it  was 
his  duty  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  bring  about  a 
peaceable  solution  of  the  difficulty.  In  this  conclusion 
Dr.  Thomas  agreed.  He  said  the  whole  matter  was  in 
God's  hands  and  that,  if  necessary,  he  would  go  alone  to 
the  meeting. 

Meacham  was  chairman  of  the  commission.  Since 
the  others  looked  at  it  in  that  way,  he  bravely  decided 
against  his  better  judgment  and  agreed  to  go.  He  felt 
that  without  its  chairman  the  conference  would  be  a 
failure.  It  was  his  duty  to  accompany  the  others;  his 
honor  would  not  permit  him  to  withdraw  from  danger 
that  they  were  willing  to  face.  Like  considerations  in 
fluenced  Dyer.  Therefore,  the  meeting  was  arranged  for 
eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  April  n,  1873. 

Riddle  demanded  that  the  commissioners  go  with 
him  to  the  'bedside  of  Colonel  Gillem,  who  was  too  ill 
to  go  with  them,  and  he  there  made  a  formal  protest. 
He,  too,  would  have  backed  out  except  for  an  unwilling 
ness  that  any  man  should  say  that  he  was  afraid  to  go 
where  other  men  went. 

Jack  had  sent  two  Indians,  Bogus  Charley  and  Boston 
Charley,  to  make  the  final  arrangements.  Dr.  Thomas 
had  entertained  these  Indians  at  his  tent  the  night  be 
fore.  Piloted  by  them,  he  and  General  Canby  on  foot 
started  for  the  peace  tent.  A  short  distance  behind  them 
Meacham,  Dyer,  and  Riddle  followed  on  horseback 
with  the  faithful  Toby.  The  signal-station  reported  that 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  243 

there  were  no  warriors  concealed  in  the  vicinity  and 
that  the  only  persons  present  were  Jack  and  five  other 
Indians  and  that  they  had  no  rifles  with  them.  These 
Indians  were  Schonchin,  Black  Jim,  Hooker  Jim,  Ellen's 
Man  and  Shacknasty  Jim.* 

A  fire  had  been  built  and  stones  piled  around  to  form 
a  council  ring.  It  was  noticed  that  the  tent  was  between 
the  council  ring  and  the  signal-station  on  the  bluffs, 
concealing  the  council  from  the  observation  of  the  offi 
cers.  The  commissioners,  to  their  great  dismay,  at 
once  saw  that  the  Indians  were  armed  with  revolvers. 
Beneath  coats  and  shirts  which  they  wore,  the  butts  of 
the  weapons  were  plainly  visible.  But  two  of  the  com 
missioners  were  armed.  Before  they  started  Meacham 
had  suggested  that  each  of  the  commissioners  carry  a 
concealed  weapon. 

General  Canby  and  Dr.  Thomas  positively  refused. 
Each  had  given  his  word  of  honor  to  come  unarmed  and 
that  word  he  would  not  break.  They  pointed  out  that 
the  suspicions  of  the  Indians  were  highly  excited  and 
that  the  least  evidence  of  bad  faith  would  probably  re 
sult  in  breaking  off  the  negotiations.  Mr.  Meacham 
then  proposed  that  in  case  affairs  looked  threatening 
they  should  immediately  agree  to  any  propositions  made 
by  the  Indians  in  order  to  get  away.  General  Canby  and 
Dr.  Thomas  again  refused.  They  declined  to  promise 
anything  which  they  could  not  perform.  Dr.  Thomas 
said,  "  I  will  be  a  party  to  no  deception  under  any  cir 
cumstances;  this  matter  is  in  the  hands  of  God."  Gen 
eral  Canby  said,  "I  have  dealt  with  Indians  for  thirty 
years.  I  have  never  deceived  an  Indian  and  I  will  never 

*  The  curious  names  of  these  Modocs  were  given  them  by  white  men  for  various  trivial 
reasons:  Jack  was  called  Captain  because  of  a  fondness  for  brass  buttons  and  uniforms, 
Hooker  Jim  had  worked  for  a  man  named  Hooker,  Boston  Charley  was  very  light 
colored,  like  the  "Bostons,"  i.  e.,  the  soldiers,  etc. 


244    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

consent  to  it  —  to  any  promise  that  cannot  be  fulfilled." 
Meacham  and  Dyer  gave  up  after  that.  Before  they 
started  some  one  gave  each  of  these  two  a  small  der 
ringer  pistol,  single  shot,  which  they  slipped  in  their 
pockets. 

General  Canby  passed  cigars  to  the  savages  and  then 
the  speech-making  began.  The  council  was  short,  but 
full  of  excitement.  The  Indians  were  insolent  in  their 
behavior  and  extravagant  in  their  demands.  In  spite  of 
the  endeavor  of  the  commissioners  so  to  group  them 
selves  that  they  were  mingled  with  the  Indians  they 
found  the  Modocs  gathered  on  one  side  of  the  fire  and 
themselves  on  the  other.  During  the  council  another 
white  man  approached,  but  at  Jack's  request  he  was 
sent  back.  At  one  period  Hooker  Jim  got  up  and  took 
Mr.  Meacham's  overcoat  from  the  pommel  of  his  saddle 
and  put  it  on  with  an  insulting  remark.  Thinking  to 
pacify  him,  Meacham  gave  him  his  hat  also  with  a  care 
less  jest. 

Everybody  knew  now  what  were  the  intentions  of  the 
Indians.  There  was  nothing  then  to  be  done  but  brave 
it  out.  No  one  exhibited  the  least  sign  of  fear.  After 
perhaps  an  hour's  conference  the  demands  of  the  In 
dians  culminated  in  a  peremptory  request  for  the  im 
mediate  removal  of  the  soldiers,  which  was  proffered  by 
Schonchin  John.  Captain  Jack  had  withdrawn  from  the 
council  fire  a  moment  or  two  previously.  He  came  back 
just  as  Schonchin  John  finished  his  speech  and  Canby 
rose  to  reply.  The  General's  answer  was  a  prompt,  un 
qualified  negative.  The  soldiers  were  there  and  there 
they  would  stay  until  the  thing  was  settled  one  way  or 
the  other.  Schonchin  John  again  began  speaking  vehe 
mently.  Before  he  had  finished  two  Indians,  Barncho 
and  Sloluck,  suddenly  appeared  from  the  cover  of  the 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  245 

rocks,  each  with  his  arms  full  of  guns.  At  this  Jack 
stepped  from  behind  Dyer's  horse,  pistol  in  hand.  He 
spoke  one  guttural  word,  "At-tux!"  (All  ready!)  and  as 
he  did  so  snapped  the  pistol  in  Canby's  face.  The  re 
volver  missed  fire.  The  General  started  toward  the 
Modoc,  but  Jack  recocked  the  pistol  with  the  barrel  al 
most  touching  the  old  soldier  and  pulled  the  trigger. 
The  bullet  struck  Canby  under  the  eye.  Dazed,  he 
staggered  back. 

Dr.  Thomas  had  been  kneeling  on  one  knee,  his 
hand  on  Meacham's  shoulder.  He  had  just  made  an 
eloquent  plea  for  peace.  Boston  Charley  deliberately 
shot  him  through  the  breast.  Schonchin  shot  Meacham 
while  the  others  opened  fire  upon  Dyer  and  Riddle. 
To  each  Indian  had  been  apportioned  a  victim.  Dyer 
had  risen  and  was  standing  some  few  feet  away  from 
the  fire.  He  and  Riddle  ran  for  their  lives,  hotly  pursued 
by  the  Indians.  Bullets  cut  the  air  about  them.  One 
grazed  Dyer.  Hooker  Jim  drew  near  to  him.  His  pur 
suit  was  checked  by  a  shot  from  Dyer's  derringer.  He 
and  Riddle  succeeded  in  escaping.  Meacham  snapped 
his  pistol  at  Schonchin,  wounding  him  slightly.  He 
was  instantly  shot  by  half  a  dozen  Indians,  receiving  five 
wounds. 

Canby  was  shot 'twice  more,  once  by  Ellen's  Man. 
Toby  was  knocked  over  by  the  butt  of  Sloluck's  rifle 
and  would  have  been  killed  had  it  not  been  for  a 
threat  of  Scar-faced  Charley,  who  said  that  he  would 
shoot  the  first  man  who  touched  her.  He  was  attached 
to  Toby  for  some  reason  and  was  watching  the  scene 
from  a  hiding-place  in  easy  range.  General  Canby  had 
gone  but  a  short  distance  when  he  was  shot  dead.  Dr. 
Thomas,  unable  to  move,  raised  himself  on  one  arm, 
and  put  out  his  hand  in  faint  protest,  exclaiming: 


246    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

"Don't  shoot  again,  Charley.  I  am  a  dead  man 
already." 

"Damn  ye,"  returned  the  Indian,  who  spoke  Eng 
lish,  "may  be  you  believe  next  time  what  squaw  tell 
you. "  He  shot  the  dying  man  again  and  again  until  life 
was  gone. 

The  Indians  stripped  Canby,  Thomas,  and  Meacham, 
and  Boston  Charley  started  to  scalp  the  latter  who  was 
thought  to  be  dead.  He  had  made  a  long  cut  in  the  head 
and  prepared  to  tear  away  the  scalp  when  Toby,  to 
whom  Mr.  Meacham  had  been  very  kind,  raised  her 
self  from  the  ground  where  she  had  been  lying  trem 
blingly  awaiting  her  doom,  and  shouted  with  quick  wit, 
"Soldiers  are  coming!"  The  murderers  fled  instantly 
to  the  lava-beds.  The  tragedy  was  over.* 

While  all  this  was  going  on  another  band  of  Indians 
had  approached  the  camp  of  Colonel  Mason  on  the  east 
side  and  had  requested  a  parley  with  him.  The  officer 
of  the  day,  Lieut.  Walter  Sherwood,  met  them  with 

*  In  writing  about  the  Modoc  War  I  hope  you  will  not  get  the  two  Thomases  mixed. 
The  other  Thomas  was  Dr.  Thomas,  the  Methodist  preacher  from  Petaluma,  who  had 
been  appointed  a  member  of  the  Peace  Commission  of  which  Meacham  was  chairman, 
and  who  was  butchered  at  the  council  tent.  He  made  the  mistake,  in  the  absence  of  the 
chairman,  of  promising  a  committee  of  Modocs  that  the  commission  would  go  out  and 
hold  a  talk  with  them  the  next  day.  Toby  Riddle,  the  Modoc  wife  of  Frank  Riddle, 
warned  them  that  they  were  to  be  killed,  and  from  what  I  have  heard  from  soldiers  I 
should  judge  that  Meacham  did  all  he  could  to  prevent  the  commission  going  out.  When 
Meaeham  was  superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  Oregon  and  Washington,  he  issued 
an  order  compelling  all  white  men  living  on  reservations  with  squaws  either  legally  to 
marry  them  or  get  off  the  reserves.  This  resulted  in  Toby  being  made  a  legal  wife  and 
she  always  felt  grateful  to  Meacham  for  it.  Everybody  said  she  made  a  good  wife.  She 
saved  Meacham  from  being  completely  killed. 

They  used  to  illustrate  the  strength  of  commissary  whisky  in  the  army  by  telling  that 
•when  Dr.  Cabiness,  contract  surgeon  and  a  very  brave  man,  was  reviving  Meacham  with 
the  whisky,  the  latter  refused  to  take  it  and  said  that  he  was  a  teetotaler  and  had  taken 
the  pledge.  Cabiness  replied,  "Damn  it,  if  that's  the  case,  pry  his  teeth  apart  and  pour 
canteen  and  all  down  him,"  which  was  done  as  nearly  as  possible.  That  kind  of  whisky 
is  said  to  have  had  sufficiently  strong  reviving  qualities  to  set  equestrian  statues  of 
General  Jackson  cavorting  around  single-footed  on  their  pedestals. —  NOTE  BY  J.  W. 
REDINGTON. 


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Modoc  War — Major  Thomas's   Command  Defeated  in 
Lava  Beds 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  247 

Lieut.  W.  H.  Boyle.  The  Indians  opened  fire  upon 
them  at  once.  Sherwood  was  mortally  wounded  and 
Boyle  escaped  by  the  skin  of  his  teeth.  The  plan  had 
been  for  the  Indians  to  kill  all  the  commissioners  and 
ranking  officers  in  the  belief  that  by  so  doing  the  sol 
diers  would  withdraw  and  their  freedom  would  be 
achieved. 

The  cowardly  attack  on  Lieutenant  Sherwood  was 
signaled  from  Mason's  camp  to  the  station  on  the  bluff. 
Scarcely  had  the  message  been  received  when  the  officers 
there  discovered  that  the  peace  commissioners  had  been 
attacked.  Scrambling  down  the  bluffs  they  burst  into 
Colonel  Gillem's  tent  with  the  dire  news.  The  sound 
of  the  firing  had  been  heard  throughout  the  camp.  The 
soldiers,  without  orders,  sprang  to  arms,  yet  there  were 
moments  of  unaccountable  delay.  The  advance  was  not 
made  promptly.  There  was  some  question  as  to  Gillem's 
course  later  on.  Finally,  the  several  companies  and  troops 
went  forward  on  the  double  quick.  Sergeant  Wooten, 
with  twenty  men  of  K  Troop,  First  Cavalry,  led  the  ad 
vance  without  orders.  They  arrived  too  late,  of  course. 
There  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  bring  back  the  dead 
bodies  and  the  wounded  Meacham.  His  life  was  de 
spaired  of,  but  he  finally  recovered. 

It  was  plain  now  to  every  one  that  the  Modocs  must 
be  subdued  at  whatever  cost.  Colonel  Gillem  and  Ma 
jor  Mason  attacked  the  lava-beds  on  the  I4th.  There 
were  three  days  of  fierce  fighting  exactly  of  the  character 
of  Wheaton's  battle.  This  time  the  soldiers  were  re 
inforced  by  several  mortars,  which  finally  got  the  range 
of  Jack's  Stronghold  and  threw  shell  after  shell  into  it. 
One  of  the  shells  did  not  explode.  The  Indians  seized  it 
and,  their  curiosity  excited,  tried  to  open  it  and  find  out 
what  it  was.  One  Indian  attempted  to  draw  the  plug 


248    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

with  his  teeth.  The  shell  blew  up  and  killed  several  of 
the  Indians.  Convinced  that  his  lair  had  become  un 
tenable  on  account  of  the  artillery,  Jack  withdrew.  For 
three  days  he  had  been  cut  off  from  the  lake  which  was 
his  only  water-supply,  the  lava-beds  being  as  dry  as  a 
bone. 

The  troops  had  surrounded  the  place,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  ijth  they  moved  forward  to  the  final 
attack.  There  was  some  skirmishing  by  a  rear-guard 
of  Modocs,  but  the  soldiers  at  last  rushed  the  ridges 
that  had  been  so  gallantly  defended  against  such  heavy 
odds.  They  found  the  place  deserted.  An  underground 
passage  connected  with  the  distant  ravines  had  afforded 
the  Modocs  a  way  of  escape.  They  were  still  some 
where  in  the  maze  of  the  lava-beds,  but  just  where  no 
one  knew.  The  troops  had  lost  eight  killed  and  seventeen 
wounded.  They  found  the  bodies  of  three  men  and  eight 
women  in  the  Modoc  stronghold.  ' 

On  the  2ist  of  April  a  party  of  soldiers  with  fifteen 
Warm  Spring  Indians,  auxiliaries,  eighty-five  in  all,  un 
der  the  command  of  Capt.  Evan  Thomas,  with  Lieuts. 
Albion  Howe,  Arthur  Cranston,  G.  M.  Harris,  all  of 
the  Fourth  Artillery,  and  Lieut.  T.  F.  Wright  of  the  Sev 
enteenth  Infantry,  with  Act.-Asst.  Surg.  B.  G.  Semig, 
was  sent  to  the  lava-beds  to  discover  the  location  of 
the  Indians.  They  were  instructed  to  proceed  cautious 
ly  and  to  avoid  an  engagement.  These  soldiers  were 
from  the  Twelfth  Infantry  and  the  Fourth  Artillery, 
the  latter  being  used  as  infantry  in  the  lava-beds  and 
sometimes  as  cavalry  in  the  open  country,  in  this  cam 
paign. 

They  proceeded  carefully  with  skirmishers  thrown 
out  on  both  sides,  the  Warm  Spring  Indians  far  on  the 
flanks.  By  this  time  the  soldiers  had  conceived  a  whole- 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  249 

some  respect  for  their  antagonists  which  almost  amount 
ed  to  fear.  The  ground  was  admirably  adapted  for  sur 
prise,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the  flanking  parties 
could  be  kept  to  their  proper  distance.  They  were  con 
stantly  shrinking  in  toward  the  main  body.  They  were 
not  molested  in  their  advance,  however,  and  at  noon 
halted  for  dinner. 

They  had  stopped  at  the  base  of  a  sand-hill  in  com 
paratively  open  ground,  with  lava-beds  several  hundred 
yards  distant  on  either  side,  and  were  quietly  eating  when 
a  rifle-shot  from  one  of  the  ravines,  which  two  men  had 
been  directed  to  reconnoiter,  gave  the  alarm.  This  shot 
was  followed  by  a  volley  from  the  hidden  enemy  and  a 
number  of  men  fell.  The  officers,  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  some  of  the  veteran  privates  coolly  ran  to 
cover  to  some  of  the  pits  and  ridges  before  mentioned 
and  returned  the  fire.  The  sand-hill  in  front  was  charged 
by  a  detachment  which  occupied  it,  only  to  find  that  it 
was  commanded  by  another  hill  to  which  the  unseen 
enemy  had  retired.  The  place  was  a  regular  death-trap, 
and  the  Modocs  got  on  both  sides  of  the  soldiers  and 
coolly  shot  them  down.  The  plain  was  alive  with  fire. 

A  panic  took  possession  of  some  of  the  men,  a  panic 
which  is  remembered  with  shame  by  the  Army  of  the 
United  States  to  this  day.  Half  of  them  turned  and  fled 
headlong,  abandoning  their  officers  and  their  braver 
comrades  who  disdained  to  fly.  Every  officer  was  killed 
or  mortally  wounded  except  the  surgeon,  who  was  des 
perately  wounded  in  two  places.  The  total  loss  was 
twenty-two  killed  and  eighteen  wounded.  The  cowards 
who  fled  reached  the  camp  in  safety.  The  Warm  Spring 
Indians  were  scouting  at  the  time,  and  being  mistaken 
for  Modocs  by  the  troops,  they  were  unable  to  succor 
them.  These  all  escaped.  Fortunately  for  some  of  the 


250    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

wounded  who  remained  on  the  field,  the  nature  of  the 
ground  was  such  that  the  Modocs  could  not  come  at 
them.  They  were  found  still  alive  by  the  rescuing  party, 
which  reached  them  from  the  main  camp  late  in  the 
evening.  The  Modocs  had  but  twenty-one  men  in  the 
field.  None  of  them  was  hit.* 

In  the  meantime  Col.  Jefferson  C.  Davis,  a  brilliant 
and  energetic  old  soldier  with  a  distinguished  record,  was 
appointed  to  the  command  with  instructions  to  prose 
cute  the  campaign  vigorously  until  it  closed.  He  restored 
Colonel  Wheaton  to  his  place  at  once.  He  also  set  about 
restoring  the  somewhat  shattered  morale  of  the  soldiers. 
He  reorganized  the  troops,  brought  up  supplies  and  re 
inforcements,  and  prepared  to  force  the  fighting. 

The  Indians  finally  separated,  roughly  speaking,  into 
two  bands.  A  portion  remained  with  Captain  Jack  and 
the  rest  under  Hooker  Jim,  and  others  withdrew.  By 
a  series  of  scientific  and  gradual  approaches,  by  occupy 
ing  the  lava-beds  just  as  the  Indians  had  done,  General 
Davis  constantly  tightened  the  cordon  around  the 
Modocs.  The  situation  of  the  Indians  had  become  ex 
ceedingly  difficult.  They  had  been  forced  away  from 
their  water-supply  ;  their  provisions  and  ammunition 
were  running  low;  they  were  practically  surrounded 
in  the  lava-beds  with  little  hope  of  escape.  Dissen 
sions  arose,  as  was  natural  in  a  body  so  loosely  coher 
ent  and  comprised  of  so  many  diverse  and  mutually 

*  General  Davis  thus  comments  on  the  battle  in  his  report: 

"An  error  was  made  by  the  officer  in  command  in  not  pushing  his  skirmish-line 
further  to  the  front  and  on  the  flanks  before  halting,  but  this  mistake  could  have  been 
easily  and  quickly  remedied  had  the  men,  as  a  few  did,  stood  by  the  officers  and  obeyed 
orders.  This  they  did  not  do.  The  result  was  conspicuous  cowardice  on  the  part  of  the 
men  who  ran  away,  and  conspicuous  bravery  and  death  on  the  part  of  the  officers  and 
men  who  stood.  The  lesson  taught  by  this  affair  is  that  a  great  many  of  the  enlisted  men 
here  are  utterly  unfit  for  Indian  fighting  of  this  kind,  being  only  cowardly  beef-eaters. 
My  recommendation  is,  however,  that  they  be  kept  here,  trained,  and  made  to  fight.  I 
shall  take  such  steps  while  here  as  I  think  will  insure  this  training." 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  251 

independent  elements.  Finally,  they  decided  to  leave 
the  lava-beds. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth  of  May  Hasbrouck's 
light  battery  of  the  Fourth  Artillery,  mounted  as  cavalry, 
and  two  troops  of  the  Fourth  Cavalry  were  encamped  on 
Sorass  Lake  on  the  west  side  of  the  pedregal.  The  In 
dians,  who  seemed  to  have  temporarily  reunited,  made 
an  attack  upon  this  force.  Captain  Jack,  clad  in  General 
Canby's  uniform,  led  a  company  of  thirty-three  Modocs 
in  a  charge  on  the  camp,  while  a  detachment  was  absent 
for  water.  They  succeeded  in  stampeding  the  horses  and 
mules  and  for  a  time  things  looked  serious.  Hasbrouck, 
however,  rallied  his  men,  checked  the  advance,  and,  by 
a  series  of  brilliant  charges  directly  upon  the  lines  the 
Modocs  had  established  in  the  surrounding  hills,  cleared 
them  out  of  the  country,  killed  one  man  and  —  most 
important  of  all — captured  twenty-four  pack-animals, 
carrying  most  of  the  Indians'  ammunition,  all  with  a 
loss  of  but  two  killed  and  seven  wounded.  This  was  the 
first  clean-cut  defeat  the  Modocs  had  sustained,  and 
proved  conclusively  that  they  could  not  fight  the  troops 
in  the  open. 

After  this  the  differences  between  the  two  parties  of 
Modocs  became  permanent.  They  separated,  left  the 
vicinity  of  the  lava-beds,  and  fled.  A  vigorous  advance 
all  along  the  line  disclosed  the  fact  that  the  Indians  had 
abandoned  their  stronghold  and  were  at  last  in  the  open. 
A  hot  pursuit  was  instituted  in  every  direction.  The 
first  large  party,  numbering  about  a  hundred,  was  cap 
tured  on  the  22nd  of  May  after  some  hard  marching,  but 
Jack  and  his  immediate  following  were  still  in  the  field. 

Davis  determined  to  use  the  leaders  of  the  first  party 
to  effect  the  capture  of  the  remainder.  These  Modocs 
saw  the  game  was  up  and  were  willing  to  save  their  own 


252    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

lives  by  betraying  the  others.  Hotly  pursued  by  the 
soldiers,  who  were  guided  by  the  traitors,  the  remaining 
Modocs  were  gathered  up  in  little  bunches  here  and 
there,  and  on  the  ist  of  June  Jack  was  captured  in 
Willow  Creek  Canon  by  Captain  Perry's  troop.  He  had 
been  literally  run  to  earth  by  the  cavalrymen.  As  he 
came  out  of  the  canon  and  surrendered  his  gun,  he  sank 
to  the  ground  exhausted,  with  the  remark  that  his  legs 
had  given  out. 

General  Davis  made  preparation  to  hang  Jack  and 
the  other  murderers  of  the  commissioners  out  of  hand. 
He  was  stopped  by  an  order  from  Washington,  and 
after  considerable  discussion  as  to  the  legality  of  the 
proceedings,  upon  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney-General, 
Captain  Jack,  Schonchin,  Boston  Charley,  Black  Jim, 
Barncho,  and  Sloluck  were  ordered  for  trial  before  a 
military  commission.  Hooker  Jim,  Bogus  Charley,  and 
Shacknasty  Jim  turned  State's  evidence.  Ellen's  Man 
had  been  killed.  The  charge  was  violation  of  the  laws 
of  war,  attacking  a  peace  commission  under  cover  of  a 
flag  of  truce.  The  prisoners  were  not  represented  by 
counsel.  As  Jack  remarked,  they  had  been  unable  to 
obtain  any.  The  trial  was  fairly  conducted,  neverthe 
less.  The  testimony  of  the  witnesses,  both  white  and  In 
dian,  was  strong  against  the  prisoners.  The  captives 
asked  these  witnesses  no  questions.  They  called  a  few 
witnesses  to  the  stand  in  their  turn,  and  these  only  with 
the  apparent  object  of  establishing  the  fact  that  the 
Klamaths,  their  hereditary  enemies,  had  urged  and  in 
cited  them  to  war,  and  had  furnished  the  weapons  and 
supplies  to  enable  them  to  carry  it  on,  all  of  which  may 
possibly  have  been  true,  but  none  of  which  was  material. 

Jack  made  a  speech,  pitiful  in  its  futility,  in  which  he 
brought  out  one  point  that  hostilities  had  commenced 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out   Fires  253 

by  Captain  Jackson's  attack  on  his  camp  on  Lost 
River.  Jack  also  stated  that  the  Modocs  who  had  be 
trayed  him  and  turned  State's  evidence  were  the  very 
Modocs  whom  he  had  refused  to  surrender  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  war,  and  if  he  had  done  so  there  would 
have  been  no  trouble.  It  was  also  shown  that  these  men 
were  the  most  guilty  and  that  it  was  their  insistence  in 
their  desperation  which  had  induced  him  and  others  to 
commit  the  murders. 

In  closing,  the  Chief  Advocate  specifically  acquitted 
the  prisoners  of  any  participation  in  the  murder  of  the 
citizens  after  Captain  Jackson's  attack.  The  verdict  was 
guilty,  and  the  punishment  death  by  hanging. 

Peace  societies  and  earnest,  intelligent,  but  misguided 
individuals,  some  of  them  of  great  eminence,  all  over 
the  country,  pleaded  with  the  Government  for  a  suspen 
sion  or  commutation  of  the  sentence.  Public  agitation 
rose  to  fever  heat.  The  Government,  however,  declined 
to  interfere  and  stood  firm  in  the  case  of  the  greater 
culprits. 

It  was  shown  that  Barncho  and  Sloluck  were  merely 
tools  of  the  others.  President  Grant,  therefore,  commut 
ed  their  sentences  to  imprisonment  for  life,  but  that  was 
all.  In  the  case  of  the  other  four  the  sentence  was  car 
ried  out  with  due  solemnity  and  all  the  forms  of  the  law 
at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Friday,  October  3,  1873. 

They  were  hanged  in  full  view  of  the  Klamaths  and 
their  own  women  and  children,  who,  from  the  stockade 
in  which  they  were  confined,  saw  all  that  happened.  The 
prisoners  met  their  death  with  calm  fortitude.  A  wail  of 
anguish  rose  from  the  stockade,  in  which  even  the 
stoical  Klamaths  joined  when  the  trap  was  sprung  and 
the  men  swung  in  th^e  air.  Justice  had  had  her  innings. 
The  murder  of  the  great  general  and  of  the  devoted 


254    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

missionary  had  been  avenged.  The  dignity  of  the  United 
States  had  been  upheld. 

It  was  right  that  Jack  should  die,  but  what  might  he 
not  have  said  had  he  possessed  the  fluent  tongue  of 
some  of  his  race,  as  he  stood  on  that  scaffold,  looking 
southward  toward  that  point  where  but  twenty-one 
years  before,  when  he  was  scarcely  fourteen,  Ben 
Wright  had  violated  a  flag  of  truce  in  the  same  way  as 
that  for  which  he  was  being  punished,  only  to  receive 
reward  and  promotion  thereafter  from  his  fellow-citi 
zens  ?  What  must  Schonchin  John,  who  had  escaped 
from  that  catastrophe,  have  felt  as  the  noose  was  placed 
about  his  neck  ? 

The  history  of  the  Modocs  thereafter  is  unimportant. 
To  the  number  of  thirty-four  men  who  had  been  in  the 
lava-beds,  five  other  men  who  had  joined  them,  fifty-four 
women  and  sixty  children,  they  were  translated  to  a 
reservation  at  Baxter  Springs,  Kansas.  To-day  a  hand 
ful  survives. 

In  the  war  the  Modocs  lost  twelve  killed,  four  exe 
cuted,  one  a  suicide  —  all  warriors,  and  an  unknown 
number  of  women  and  children.  The  total  loss  of  the 
white  settlers  and  soldiers  was  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight,  of  whom  eighty-three  were  killed.  The  cost  of  the 
war  was  over  half  a  million  dollars.  They  say  it  takes 
a  ton  of  lead  to  kill  one  soldier  in  battle:  to  put  down 
these  fifty  Modocs  about  twelve  hundred  men  were  em 
ployed.  Each  Modoc  accounted  for  three  men  and  cost 
the  United  States  Government  over  ten  thousand  dol 
lars  before  he  was  himself  killed  or  captured  —  a  fear 
ful  price,  indeed. 

Insignificant  people  they  were,  but  in  their  brief  hour 
they  managed  to  stamp  themselves  on  the  pages  of  his 
tory.  The  name  of  Captain  Jack  will  not  be  forgotten, 


In  the  Land  of  Burnt  Out  Fires  255 

and  the  defense  of  which  he  was  the  central  figure,  in 
spite  of  his  treachery,  together  with  the  desperate  cam 
paigning  of  the  soldiers  in  the  land  of  burnt  out  fires,  is  a 
story  that  will  long  be  related.  With  all  his  faults,  the 
rude  Modoc  chief  had  some  of  the  high  qualities  that 
go  to  make  a  man.  We  can  bury  his  vices  in  his  un 
marked  grave  and  remember  his  virtues  and  his  wrongs. 

Note  on  the  present  status  of  Modocs  furnished  by  the  Department 
of  the  Interior. 

This  office  is  in  receipt  of  your  communication  of  the  loth  instant, 
in  which  you  state  you  are  anxious  to  know  the  present  status  of  the 
Modocs  who  were  translated  from  California  and  Oregon  to  Baxter 
Springs,  Kansas,  in  1873;  and  you  ask  if  these  Indians  are  still  at 
Baxter  Springs,  and  if  they  still  retain  their  tribal  existence.  You 
further  inquire  as  to  their  number  and  their  temporal  condition. 

The  Modoc  reservation  embraces  a  tract  of  land  about  two  and 
one-half  miles  square,  and  is  situated  about  one  and  one-half  miles 
northeast  of  the  Quapaw  Agency.  It  was  formerly  a  part  of  the  Shaw- 
nee  Reservation  and  contained  in  round  numbers  about  4,000  acres, 
equally  divided  as  to  timber  and  prairie  land.  The  reservation  was 
obtained  for  them  by  agreement  with  the  Eastern  Shawnees,  made 
June  23,  1874,  which  was  confirmed  and  ratified  by  Congress  in  an 
Act  approved  March  3, 1875  (18  Stats.  447):  3,976  acres  were  allotted 
to  sixty-eight  Indians,  8  acres  being  reserved  for  church  and  cemetery 
purposes,  2  acres  for  a  school,  and  24  acres  were  set  aside  as  a  timber 
reserve  to  supply  timber  to  allottees  living  on  the  prairie. 

The  last  annual  report  of  Mr.  Horace  B.  Durant,  Superintendent 
of  the  Seneca  Indian  Training-school  (address  at  Wyandotte,  Indian 
Territory),  and  in  charge  of  the  Modocs,  gave  the  following  statistics 
concerning  the  Indians  under  consideration: 

Population 54 

Males 25 

Females 29 

Males  over  eighteen 17 

Females  over  fourteen 16 

Males  under  eighteen 8 

Females  under  fourteen 13 


256    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

Children  between  six  and  sixteen n 

Number  of  allotments 68 

Acres  in  each  allotment 48 

Indians  of  one-half  Indian  blood  and  over  ....  40 
Indians  of  less  than  one-half  Indian  blood   ....  14 
Living  out  of  the  Agency,  inclusive  of  children  in  non- 
reservation  schools 15 

Males  over  eighteen  who  are  farmers      .....  4 

Children  in  non-reservation  schools I 

Children  attending  all  other  schools 5 

He  further  reported  that  all  of  the  Modocs  wore  citizens'  clothes  and 
that  all  were  engaged  in  civilized  pursuits  and  were  living  in  very  poor 
houses  of  mainly  one  room  each  and  with  dirt  floors. 

From  the  above  you  will  see  that  the  Indians  practically  no  longer 
sustain  their  tribal  relations,  they  having  received  their  allotments  of 
land  in  severalty;  that  they  all  wear  citizens'  clothes  and  that  they  are 
still  near  Baxter  Springs. 


CHAPTER  TWO 

The  First  Blow 

Jackson's  Expedition* 


f~  "^HE  Modoc  Indians  belong  generally  to  the 
races  known  as  "Digger  Indians"  -from 
living  largely  upon  esculent  roots  which  the 

JL  squaws  dig,  dry  and  cache  for  winter  subsist 
ence,  —  but  they  are  much  superior  to  the  average 
Digger  Indian,  and  are  more  nearly  allied  in  character 
—  and  by  intermarriage  —  to  the  "Rogue  Rivers,"  a 
warlike  tribe,  now  about  extinct,  inhabiting  at  one  time 
the  western  slope  of  the  Cascade  Mountains  in  Oregon. 

Schonchin  was  chief  of  the  tribe  when  the  treaty 
was  made  with  the  Klamaths,  Modocs  and  Yainaskin 
Snakes,  by  which  these  tribes,  for  the  consideration  of 
fered  by  the  Indian  Bureau,  agreed  to  live  upon  the 
Klamath  Reservation,  then  just  established. 

The  Indian  title  to  the  Lost  River  and  Tule  Lake 
country  was  thus  extinguished,  and  the  land  thrown  open 
to  settlement. 

The  Klamath  Reserve  proving  to  have  a  much  colder 
climate  than  the  Modocs  were  accustomed  to,  and  the 
Klamath  Indians,  their  ancient  foes,  taunting  them 

*  Abridged  from  the  account  of  the  war  by  Col.  James  Jackson,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired), 
in  The  United  States  Service  Magazine,  July,  1892,  by  permission  of  the  publisher. 

257 


258    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

with  living  on  " their  "  land,  catching  "their"  fish,  and 
killing  "their"  game,  the  Modocs  became  discontented. 

The  governing  chief,  "Old  Schonchin,"  with  a  large 
part  of  the  tribe,  got  as  far  away  from  the  Klamaths 
as  he  could,  and  lived  up  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty;  but 
the  restless  and  desperate  spirits  of  the  tribe,  under  the 
leadership  of  the  Indian  afterward  widely  known  as 
"Captain  Jack,"  and  John  Schonchin,  a  brother  of  the 
hereditary  chief,  left  the  reservation  and  returned  to  the 
Tule  Lake  basin,  declaring  that  they  would  live  in 
their  old  home  and  nowhere  else. 

It  is  with  this  band  of  desperadoes  that  history  has  to 
deal  when  treating  of  the  Modoc  War,  though  subse 
quently  to  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  they  were 
joined  by  the  Hot  Spring  and  Rock  Modocs,  making  a 
fighting  force  of  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  war 
riors.  Many  of  these  Indians  were  what  would  be  called 
"half-civilized."  A  number  of  them  had  been  born  and 
reared  near  the  outlying  California  settlements,  and 
had  worked  for  white  men  on  their  ranches  and  cattle- 
ranges. 

They  dressed  like  the  frontier  white  men,  talked 
some  English,  and  were  familiar  with  the  ways  of  white 
people,  including  all  their  vices. 

They  were  well  armed  with  breech-loading  and  other 
rifles,  which,  by  constant  practice  at  game  and  water 
fowl,  they  had  learned  to  handle  with  skill  and  precision. 
The  settlers  in  the  country  thrown  open  to  settlement 
by  the  treaty  soon  began  to  complain  of  Captain  Jack's 
band  of  desperadoes,  charging  them  with  killing  cattle 
and  abusing  the  settlers'  families  when  their  men  were 
absent. 

The  Indian  Agent  of  the  Klamath  Reserve  made 
repeated  efforts  to  induce  them  to  return  to  the 


The  First  Blow  259 

reservation;  but  every  effort  was  met  with  contemp 
tuous  refusal  and  the  declaration  that  they  would  fight 
rather  than  leave  their  present  location. 

The  home  of  these  Modoc  Indians  was  in  a  district 
of  country  just  east  of  the  Cascade  Mountains  and  lying 
on  both  sides  of  the  boundary  line  between  Oregon  and 
California:  a  rocky,  broken,  sage-brush  region  containing 
a  number  of  alkaline  lakes,  some  fertile  valleys,  and  a 
few  mountain  streams,  but  covered  for  the  most  part  by 
volcanic  scoria. 

Their  principal  habitat  was  the  valley  of  Lost  River 
and  the  basin  of  Tule  Lake,  into  which  the  valley  opens. 

The  rivers  and  lakes  abounded  in  fish  and  were  the 
resort  of  vast  numbers  of  water-fowl;  game  was  plenti 
ful  in  the  adjacent  mountains,  the  bunch-grass  was 
luxuriant,  the  climate  mild,  snow  seldom  fell  and  never 
remained  long  in  the  valleys.  Taken  altogether  it  was 
a  paradise  for  nomadic  Indians. 

At  the  southern  extremity  of  Tule  Lake  basin  was  a 
district  of  country  known  as  the  "Lava-Beds,"  which 
at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  was,  to  the  white  man,  a 
terra  incognita,  being  for  miles  each  way  a  confused 
jumble  of  lava,  which  had  in  some  prehistoric  period 
rolled  down  the  slopes  of  volcanic  peaks  on  its  eastern 
border,  and,  lashed  into  furious  foam  and  toppling 
waves  by  the  obstructions  in  the  lake  valley,  had  — 
apparently  while  at  the  height  of  the  disturbance  — 
solidified  into  a  hard,  blackish  rock,  honeycombed  by 
bursting  air  bubbles,  caught  in  the  lava  flow,  leaving  a 
surface  over  which  no  white  man  ventured  of  his  own 
accord,  and  whose  intricate  passages  and  cavernous 
retreats  were  known  only  to  this  tribe  of  Indians  and  the 
mountain-lion  as  he  stalked  them  in  search  of  prey.  The 
ocean  breakers  as  they  dash  on  a  rocky  coast,  suddenly 


260    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

petrified  in  all  the  wildness  of  their  fury,  would  give 
some  idea  of  the  character  of  a  portion  of  this  lava  sur 
face  and  induce  a  realizing  sense  of  the  difficulty  of 
carrying  on  military  operations  in  such  a  country. 

Along  a  mile  or  more  of  the  lake  front,  the  molten 
lava  had  poured  over  the  abrupt  and  irregular  bluffs, 
forming,  as  it  cooled,  a  rock-wall  whose  almost  vertical 
face  was  impossible  of  direct  ascent.  On  the  crest  of 
this  wall  the  lava,  in  cooling,  had  broken  away  from  the 
horizontal  flow,  forming  a  deep  crevice  which  in  an  ir 
regular  line  followed  the  indentations  of  the  lake  shore 
and,  curiously  enough,  made  almost  as  perfect  a  defen 
sive  work  as  a  military  engineer  could  have  laid  out. 

There  was  no  part  of  this  abrupt  rocky  glacis  that 
was  not  covered  by  a  line  of  fire  from  the  natural  rifle 
trench,  while  at  the  angles  masses  of  rock  had  fallen  for 
ward,  forming  lunettes,  covering  the  receiving  lines  and 
affording  loop-holes  or  windows  through  which  all  ap 
proaches  could  be  observed,  and  serving  as  admirable 
picket  or  lookout  stations  for  a  defending  force. 

Where  the  line  of  crevice  had  been  broken  through, 
or  failed  to  give  sufficient  defense,  the  Indians  had 
supplemented  it  with  a  double  wall  of  broken  lava, 
carried  to  and  around  the  caves  used  for  sleeping  pur 
poses,  affording  a  continuous  channel  of  unexposed 
communication  from  one  flank  to  the  other,  complet 
ing  and  making  impregnable,  against  a  small  force, 
this  Modoc  stronghold. 

In  the  fall  of  1872  the  settlers  in  southern  Oregon  pro 
cured  an  order  from  the  Interior  Department  for  the 
removal  of  Jack's  band  to  the  Klamath  Reservation, 
"peaceably  if  possible,  forcibly  if  necessary."  The  Su 
perintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  Mr.  Odeneal,  visited 
their  village  and  tried  to  induce  them  to  comply  with 


The  First  Blow  261 

the  orders  he  had  received,  but  failed  in  his  attempt; 
and  while  negotiations  were  still  pending,  but  with  no 
uncertainty  as  to  the  result,  turned  the  matter  over  to 
the  military  authorities,  sending  his  agent,  Mr.  Ivan 
Applegate,  to  Fort  Klamath  to  request  the  commanding 
officer  there,  at  that  time  Col.  John  Green,  Major 
First  Cavalry,  to  send  a  force  to  the  Modoc  camp  to 
compel  their  compliance  with  the  orders  from  the  De 
partment  of  the  Interior,  and  insisting  upon  it  that  only 
a  "show  of  force"  (about  twelve  or  fifteen  men  was 
mentioned)  was  necessary  to  accomplish  the  object. 

Colonel  Green  directed  Major  Jackson  to  take  all 
available  men  of  his  troop  (B,  First  Cavalry)  and  pro 
ceed  by  forced  march  to  the  Modoc  camp,  and  induce 
them  to  comply  with  the  orders  given  by  Superinten 
dent  Odeneal,  or,  failing  in  this,  to  arrest  the  leaders. 

Major  Jackson  with  thirty  men,  and  accompanied 
by  Lieut.  F.  A.  Boutelle  and  the  post  surgeon,  Dr.  H. 
McEldery,  who  had  volunteered  to  go  with  the  com 
mand,  was  soon  on  the  march. 

Mr.  Ivan  Applegate,  in  the  capacity  of  interpreter, 
and  a  few  citizens  joined  the  column  while  en  route. 
These  citizens  were  detached  at  the  ford  on  Lost  River 
to  take  post  at  Crawley's  Ranch  to  protect  the  family 
there  and  prevent  an  attack  on  the  rear  of  the  troops,  the 
ranch  being  situated  between  the  two  Modoc  villages  or 
camps,  which  were  about  a  half-mile  apart  on  opposite 
sides  of  Lost  River,  a  deep,  sluggish  stream  with  abrupt 
banks,  that  could  be  crossed  only  by  boat. 

Marching  continuously  day  and  night,  the  troops 
arrived  at  the  Modoc  village  about  daylight  and  formed 
line  among  the  tepees,  taking  the  Indians  completely 
by  surprise.  Had  they  been  undoubtedly  hostile  there 
would  have  been  no  Modoc  War.  The  chiefs  and  leaders 


262    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

were  called  for,  particularly  Captain  Jack,  but  he  did 
not  put  in  an  appearance,  and,  so  far  as  is  known,  took 
no  part  in  the  subsequent  fight.  Some  of  the  sub-chiefs 
gathered  around  and  the  orders  of  the  Indian  Superin 
tendent  were  explained  by  the  commander  of  the  troops 
to  such  Indians  as  could  understand  English,  and  to  all 
of  them  by  Mr.  Applegate,  who  visited  both  villages  to 
carry  out  his  instructions. 

The  time  given  to  parleying  was  used  by  the  Indians 
to  recover  from  their  surprise,  and  to  get  ready  for  the 
resistance  which  they  had  previously  determined  upon. 
While  some  talked  to  gain  time,  the  boldest  spirits  dis 
appeared  in  their  tepees  and  soon  came  out  painted, 
stripped  to  the  buff,  and  carrying  from  one  to  three 
rifles. 

The  interpreter,  after  using  every  effort  to  persuade 
the  tribe  of  the  folly  of  resisting  United  States  authority, 
gave  it  up,  and,  convinced  that  no  compliance  with  the 
orders  of  the  Indian  Superintendent  could  be  obtained, 
so  informed  Major  Jackson. 

It  was  then  determined  to  carry  out  the  second  part  of 
the  instructions  before  alluded  to  and  "  arrest  the  leaders." 

A  squad  of  the  best  known  warriors  having  taken 
position  near  some  tepees  about  thirty  yards  in  front  of 
the  line  of  dismounted  cavalrymen,  —  seventeen  men  in 
skirmish  order,  —  Lieutenant  Boutelle  was  directed  to 
advance  some  men  from  the  left  and  secure  these  Indians. 

At  the  order  to  move  forward  all  of  the  Indians  aimed 
their  rifles  at  the  line  and  one  of  them  fired,  apparently 
at  Lieutenant  Boutelle. 

The  troops  instantly  returned  the  fire,  pouring  volley 
after  volley  in  and  through  the  tepees,  behind  which  the 
Indians  had  taken  cover,  and  from  which  they  were  rap 
idly  firing  at  the  soldiers. 


The  First  Blow  263 

This  fire  beginning  to  weaken  the  line,  a  charge  was 
ordered,  which  drove  the  Indians  from  cover  of  the 
tepees  into  the  surrounding  brush  and  left  in  the  village 
only  a  few  squaws  bemoaning  their  dead  and  wounded. 

The  Indians  continuing  the  fire  from  distant  cover,  a 
line  of  pickets  was  thrown  around  the  captured  camp, 
in  such  shelter  as  could  be  found  or  improvised,  while 
the  wounded  were  being  cared  for  by  the  surgeon  and 
then  transported  across  the  river,  by  canoe,  to  Crawley's 
Ranch. 

This  done,  an  advance  was  ordered,  when  the  owner 
of  the  ranch  came  galloping  up  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  imploring  assistance  to  protect  his  family  and  the 
wounded  men  at  his  house  from  a  threatened  attack 
on  that  side  of  the  river,  the  citizens  stationed  there 
having  left  to  notify  the  settlements  of  the  breaking  out 
of  hostilities.  He  was  told  to  hold  the  place  at  all  haz 
ards,  and  the  troop,  carrying  its  dead,  moved  quickly  up 
the  river  to  the  ford,  Lieutenant  Boutelle  with  a  small 
skirmish-line  protecting  the  rear  and  keeping  the  In 
dians  at  a  respectful  distance. 

The  command  arrived  at  the  ranch  in  time  to  prevent 
any  catastrophe  there. 

The  Indians  lingered  around  until  sundown,  burned  a 
few  haystacks  and  then  retired  to  the  "rock  fort,"  which, 
they  had  told  the  settlers,  was  to  be  their  refuge  and 
stronghold. 

What  this  "rock  fort"  was  no  one  knew,  further  than 
that  it  was  a  place  in  the  lava-beds  which  Jack  had  boast 
ed  he  could  hold  against  any  number  of  white  men,  and 
where  he  had  cached  the  possessions  of  the  tribe  and  a 
sufficiency  of  dried  roots  and  jerked  beef  to  last  his 
people  a  year. 

Thus  commenced  the  Modoc  War. 


CHAPTER  THREE 

Major  Boutelle's  Account  of  His  Duel 

with  Scar-faced  Charley  in  the 

First  Engagement 

By  Maj.  F.  A.  Boutelle,  United  States  Army  (Retired) 

IN  the  latter  part  of  November,  1872,  Mr.  Odeneal, 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  State  of 
Oregon,  appeared  upon  the  scene  and  sent  word  to 
Captain  Jack  of  the  Indians  that  he  was  at  Link- 
ville  and  to  meet  him  there.  Jack  not  responding,  he  was 
informed  that  Odeneal  would  be  at  Lost  River  two  days 
later  to  talk  to  him.  Instead  of  making  preparations  for 
his  suggested  meeting  he  despatched  Mr.  I.  D.  Apple- 
gate  to  Fort  Klamath  asking  that  troops  be  sent  to  move 
the  Indians. 

Mr.  Applegate  arrived  at  Fort  Klamath  about  five 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  November  28th,  and  was 
brought  by  the  sergeant  of  the  guard  to  my  quarters,  I 
being  Officer-of-the-Day.  He  told  me  his  errand  and 
asked  if  I  thought  Colonel  Green  would  send  troops. 
I  told  him  to  make  himself  comfortable  until  later  as  I 
knew  Colonel  Green  would  not  send  troops,  that  he  had 
been  informed  if  troops  were  used  enough  men  should 
be  sent  to  place  the  result  "beyond  peradventure. " 

264 


Duel  with  Scar-faced  Charley     265 

About  eight  o'clock,  I  was  amazed  at  receiving  or 
ders  from  Major  Jackson  to  make  ready  for  a  trip  to 
Lost  River;  that  we  were  ordered  to  move  the  Modocs. 
Soon  after  I  was  called  to  the  adjutant's  office  to  prepare 
an  order  for  the  move.  When  the  command  was  ready, 
or  about  half  after  eleven,  I  met  Colonel  Green  and 
took  occasion  to  call  attention  to  the  copy  of  General 
Canby's  letter  to  the  commanding-officer,  District  of 
the  Lakes,  which  had  been  furnished  him  for  his  guid 
ance,  and  to  suggest  to  him  that  there  was  no  reason  to 
believe  these  Indians  would  not  fight,  and  that  the  com 
mand  he  was  sending  was,  in  my  judgment,  altogether 
inadequate  —  just  enough  to  provoke  a  fight  in  fact. 
His  reply  was: 

"If  I  don't  send  the  troops,  they  (the  citizens  of 
Klamath  Basin)  will  think  we  are  all  afraid. " 

The  command,  consisting  of  Maj.  James  Jackson, 
First  Cavalry,  in  command,  Asst.-Surg.  Henry  Mc- 
Eldery  and  myself,  both  of  us  being  second  lieutenants 
at  that  time,  and  thirty-five  enlisted  men,  followed  by 
five  other  enlisted  men  with  pack-train,  left  Fort  Kla 
math  about  noon  in  a  cold  rain  and  sleet-storm.  We 
arrived  at  a  point  near  Linkville  in  time  to  cook  supper 
and  feed  the  animals.  Here  the  Major  found  Superinten 
dent  Odeneal  and  had  a  talk,  the  character  of  which  I 
cannot  relate.  As  soon  as  possible  after  supper  we  were 
in  the  saddle  and  en  route  to  the  Modoc  camp.  We  were 
accompanied  a  part  of  the  way  by  a  party  of  citizens, 
who  next  morning  engaged  the  Indians  on  left  bank  of 
Lost  River. 

The  heavy  roads  made  the  ride  an  unusually  hard  one, 
and  when  daylight  appeared  it  found  a  very  tired  lot  of 
soldiers  about  to  attempt  a  very  disagreeable  task.  We 
halted  about  a  mile  from  Jack's  camp,  dismounted  to 


266    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

adjust  saddles.  I  took  off  my  overcoat,  saying  to  Major 
Jackson  that  if  I  was  going  into  a  fight  I  wanted  my 
deck  cleared  for  action.  Most  of  the  men,  seeing  my 
movement  and  hearing  my  remark,  followed  suit,  not 
withstanding  the  fact  that  the  temperature  had  fallen 
and  that  the  wet  coats  were  partly  frozen.  We  strapped 
the  coats  on  the  cantles  of  our  saddles.  Mounted  again, 
we  rode  at  a  rapid  rate  and  came  into  the  Indian  camp 
before  many  were  out  of  bed.  An  Indian  who  was  out 
fishing  saw  us  crossing  and  ran  down  the  river-bank 
crying: 

"Soldiers!  Soldiers!" 

Soon  after  our  arrival  Scar-faced  Charley  crossed  the 
river  in  a  canoe  and  as  he  came  up  the  bank  of  the  river 
fired  a  shot.  He  told  me  after  the  surrender  that  it  was 
an  accidental  discharge.  I  believed  him. 

As  soon  as  we  were  formed  in  the  Modoc  camp 
Major  Jackson,  through  Applegate,  who  knew  the  In 
dians  individually,  attempted  to  summon  Captain  Jack; 
but  could  neither  get  a  talk  with,  nor  a  sight  of,  the  chief. 
While  these  attempts  at  parley  were  going  on,  the  In 
dians,  under  the  influence  of  Scar-faced  Charley  and 
others,  were  undoubtedly  preparing  for  combat.  Apple- 
gate  saw  that  there  was  trouble  brewing  as  fast  as  pos 
sible.  Scar-faced  Charley  had  withdrawn  to  one  end  of 
the  camp  and  was  talking  in  a  very  excited  manner  with 
a  number  of  other  Indians.  He  had  one  rifle  in  his  hand 
which  he  waved  defiantly,  and  three  or  four  lay  on  the 
ground  at  his  feet. 

Major  Jackson  finally  rode  over  to  me  and  said: 
"Mr.  Boutelle,  what  do  you  think  of  the  situation  ?" 
"There  is  going  to  be  a  fight,"  I  replied,  "and  the 
sooner  you  open  it  the  better,  before  there  are  any  more 
complete  preparations. " 


Duel  with   Scar-faced   Charley  267 

He  then  ordered  me  to  take  some  men  and  arrest 
Scar-faced  Charley  and  his  followers.  I  had  taken  the 
situation  in  pretty  thoroughly  in  my  mind,  and  knew 
that  an  attempt  to  arrest  meant  the  killing  of  more  men 
than  could  be  spared  if  any  of  the  survivors  were  to  es 
cape.  I  was  standing  in  front  of  the  dismounted  men  of 
the  troop.  I  called  out  to  the  men,  "Shoot  over  those 
Indians";  and  raised  my  pistol  and  fired  at  Scar-faced 
Charley.  Great  minds  appear  to  have  thought  alike. 
At  the  same  instant  Charley  raised  his  rifle  and  fired  at 
me.  We  both  missed;  his  shot  passing  through  my  cloth 
ing  over  my  elbow.  It  cut  two  holes  through  my  blouse, 
one  long  slit  in  a  cardigan  jacket  and  missed  my  inner 
shirts.  My  pistol  bullet  passed  through  a  red  handker 
chief  Charley  had  tied  around  his  head;  so  he  after 
ward  told  me.  There  was  some  discussion  after  the 
close  of  the  war  as  to  who  fired  the  first  shot.  I  use  a 
pistol  in  my  left  hand.  The  track  of  Scar-faced  Charley's 
bullet  showed  that  my  arm  was  bent  in  the  act  of  firing 
when  he  fired.  We  talked  the  matter  over,  but  neither 
could  tell  which  fired  first. 

The  fight  at  once  became  general.  Shots  came  from 
everywhere,  from  the  mouths  of  the  tepees,  from  the 
sage-bush  on  our  left,  from  the  river-bank  and  from  the 
bunch  of  braves  in  which  Scar-faced  Charley  was  at 
work.  As  soon  as  I  had  time  to  see  that  I  had  missed  as  I 
supposed  I  fired  another  shot  at  Charley,  at  which  he 
dropped  and  crawled  off  in  the  bush.  Just  then  an  In 
dian  dropped  on  his  knees  in  the  opening  of  a  tepee  a 
few  yards  from  our  right  and  front  and  let  slip  an  arrow 
at  me.  This  I  dodged  and  the  subsequent  proceedings 
interested  him  no  more. 

The  men  of  the  troop  were  tired  as  well  as  exhausted 
by  the  ride  of  fifty-six  miles  in  a  terrible  storm;  and  when 


268    Northwestern  Fights   and   Fighters 

the  firing  had  knocked  out  eight  of  the  twenty-three 
men  in  action,  the  line  began  to  give  way.  I  saw  that  to 
retreat  meant  death,  and  calling  on  the  men  to  charge, 
we  rushed  right  at  the  main  body.  We  were  white  and 
they  were  red.  There  was  the  almost  invariable  result. 
The  dark  skin  gave  way. 

We  had  the  camp  and  everything  in  it,  women  and 
children  included.  It  was  believed  by  all  that  we  had 
killed  very  many  Indians;  so  many  that  there  would  be 
no  further  resistance  if  the  women  and  children  were 
permitted  to  go  to  the  men.  This  was  allowed  and  the 
camp  destroyed. 

As  soon  as  the  fight  was  over,  Major  Jackson  crossed 
the  wounded  over  the  river  and  sent  them  to  Crawley's 
Ranch  about  half  a  mile  beyond.  About  the  time  this 
work  was  accomplished  a  messenger  came  flying  from 
Crawley's  Ranch  with  the  information  that  the  Indians 
were  making  a  demonstration  upon  that  point. 

I  failed  to  mention  that  the  party  of  citizens  who  ac 
companied  us  from  Linkville  had  had  a  brush  with  a 
small  party  encamped  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  below 
Crawley's  Ranch  and  had  not  been  successful.  The  river 
was  not  fordable  at  this  point.  Major  Jackson  then  took 
all  sound  men  except  about  ten  left  with  me  and  started 
for  a  ford  seven  miles  up  the  river  where  he  crossed  and 
came  down  the  other  bank  of  the  river  to  Crawley's 
Ranch. 

As  soon  as  the  Indians,  who  had  retreated  to  the  foot 
hills,  saw  Jackson  leave  me  with  a  small  party  they  came 
on  and  made  a  futile  attack.  They  had  had  enough  and 
did  not  want  any  more.  I  followed  Jackson,  reaching 
Crawley's  Ranch  late  in  the  afternoon  with  the  dead 
strapped  on  horses. 

A  dreadful  mistake  had  been  made;  yes,  more  than 


Duel  with!  Scar-faced  Charley  269 

one,  but  I  shall  not  treat  of  matters  previous  to  the 
attempt  to  move  the  Indians.  In  the  attempt  the  greater 
sin  lies  at  the  door  of  Mr.  Odeneal,  who  would  not 
trust  his  precious  skin  to  a  council  on  Lost  River;  but 
preferred  treacherously  to  send  troops  with  guns  in 
place  of  an  agent  of  the  Indian  Department  with  an 
olive  branch.  He  was  sadly  mistaken  in  believing  that 
the  Indians  would  not  fight.  He  was  dealing  with  des 
perate  men.  When  the  troops  were  sent  "  a  boy  was  sent 
to  the  mill. "  The  heroes  of  the  so-called  outbreak  do 
not  diminish  with  years.  I  believe  Superintendent  Oden 
eal  still  lives.  If  he  failed  to  send  any  word  to  the  settlers 
on  the  north  side  of  Tule  Lake  that  troops  were  coming, 
he  has  more  to  think  of  than  I  should  care  to  have.  Of 
such  failure  he  was  freely  charged  in  those  dreadful 
days. 

You  may  in  your  work  have  seen  a  book  written  by 
A.  B.  Meacham,  at  one  time  Superintendent  of  Indian 
Affairs  for  the  State  of  Oregon.  I  do  not  know  where 
he  got  the  information  upon  which  he  based  his  de 
scription  of  the  first  fight  with  the  Modoc  Indians.  I 
remember  seeing  it  years  ago  and  that  he  represents  me 
as  advancing  upon  Scar-faced  Charley,  uttering  vile  and 
insulting  epithets.  I  did  not  move  forward  a  foot  when 
I  received  Major  Jackson's  order  to  disarm  the  party, 
but  commanded  the  men  to  fire  and  fired  myself.  I  did 
not  address  a  word  to  an  Indian  that  morning.  Mea 
cham  attempted  to  get  an  account  from  me  and  was  re 
ferred  to  Major  Jackson's  official  report.  Hence  his  in 
sults  to  me.  Meacham  made  the  battle  last  three  hours, 
and  that  we  were  whipped.  Rot!  It  did  not  last  much 
more  than  so  many  minutes.  We  drove  the  Indians 
across  the  sage-bush  plain  and  burned  their  tepees. 
Left  when  called  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  for  the  pur- 


270    Northwestern  Fights   and   Fighters 

pose  of  protecting  our  wounded  and  citizens  threatened 
by  Indians  from  camp  on  left  bank  of  river. 

The  citizens  who  attacked  the  Indian  camp  on  the  left 
bank  of  Lost  River  were  there  without  order  or  authority, 
and  had  no  more  right  for  their  attack  than  if  it  had  been 
made  on  Broadway,  New  York.  The  Indians,  who  re 
pulsed  them  and  afterward  made  such  dreadful  killing, 
were  called  treacherous  murderers  and  were  indicted  in 
the  Oregon  courts,  Scar-faced  Charley,  among  others, 
who  I  have  ample  reason  to  believe  was  on  our  side  of 
the  river. 

In  contrast  with  the  action  of  this  civilized  party  may 
be  noticed  the  "brutal"  conduct  of  some  of  Jack's  peo 
ple  who  saw  two  cow-boys,  whom  they  knew,  approaching 
their  assemblage.  They  went  out  to  meet  them,  telling 
of  the  occurrences  of  a  few  hours  previous,  and  advising 
them  to  go  away  while  they  were  at  war  with  the  soldiers, 
as  they  did  not  want  to  hurt  them. 

Of  the  fight  in  the  lava-beds  chapters  might  be 
written  by  the  participants  in  explanation  of  why  so 
many  men  were  not  able  to  dislodge  so  small  a  number 
of  Indians.  The  newspapers  frequently  asked  why  some 
officer  experienced  in  such  work  was  not  sent  to  com 
mand.  There  was  no  officer  experienced  in  such  work; 
he  did  not  live. 

The  popular  impression  of  the  Modoc  was  that  he 
was  a  dreadful  savage,  a  wild  Indian.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
all  of  them  wore  white  men's  clothing.  Nearly  or 
quite  all  had  cut  off  their  hair,  and  many  were  in  the 
habit  of  working  for  the  neighboring  stockmen  or  farm 
ers.  Nearly  all  understood  English  and  many  spoke  it 
as  well  as  many  white  men.  As  an  instance :  I  had  en 
camped  just  across  Lost  River  from  Jack's  camp  a  few 
months  before  the  war,  and  had  talked  enough  with  the 


Duel  with  Scar- faced   Charley  271 

Indians  to  recognize  Bogus  Charley's  voice.  In  the  early 
morning  of  January  lyth,  as  the  two  lines,  one  on  each 
side  of  the  stronghold,  were  closing  in  on  the  Indians, 
I  heard  a  voice  calling  out  to  Colonel  Bernard's  com 
mand: 
"Don't  shoot  this  way.  You  are  firing  on  your  own 


men." 


Colonel  Bernard  commanded  "Cease  firing/'  and  was 
surprised  to  hear  me  bawl  out: 

"Look  out,  Colonel  Bernard,  that  is  Bogus  Charley 
talking!" 

Bogus  talked  a  great  deal,  and  when  on  April  1st  I 
told  people  that  at  last  Bogus  Charley  was  dead,  I  was 
rallied  a  good  deal  and  asked  how  I  knew.  I  replied  that 
I  had  not  heard  him  and  knew  he  could  not  keep  his 
mouth  shut.  It  transpired  that  Bogus  had  left  the  Mo- 
docs  the  night  before  the  investment  and  could  not  get 
back. 

As  an  indication  of  the  disposition  of  the  Modocs,  with 
relation  to  learning  the  ways  of  the  white  men  and  not 
asking  for  assistance  from  the  Government  provided 
they  were  allowed  to  remain  on  Tule  Lake,  in  one  of  the 
peace  talks  Bogus  Charley  offered  as  proof  or  reason 
why  he  should  want  a  cessation  of  hostilities  that  he 
had  "lost  his  whole  winter's  work." 


CHAPTER  FOUR 

The  Initial  Shot 

A  Civilian's  Description  of  the  First  Battle  of  the 
Modoc  War  * 

By  Ivan  D.  Applegate 

PERHAPS    few  places  on   earth,  of  like  area, 
have  cost  so  much  in  blood  and  treasure  as 
Klamath  land,  and  yet  it  may  be  worth  the 
price,  dear  as  it  was,  for  it  is  one  of  nature's 
brightest   gems.  The  native  possessor  held   it  with  a 
tenacity  which  compels  us  to  admire  his  patriotism,  his 
reverence  for  the  land  of  his  ancestors,  while  we  dep 
recate  the  methods  of  his  warfare.  As  he  would  put  it : 
"Here  is  the  dust  of  my  fathers.  Better  for  me  to  die 
here  than  to  be  removed  to  any  other  country.  If  I  die 
here  I  go  down  to  dust  with  my  father  and  my  people. 
If  I  die  in  some  other  land  I  shall  be  lost  forever. " 

The  Modocs  stood  as  bloody  sentinels  along  the  line 
of  the  emigrant  road.  As  far  back  as  1852  they  began 
the  work  of  ambush  and  slaughter,  and  Modoc  land  was 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century  the  scene  not  only  of  savage 
treachery  and  cruelty,  but  of  heroic  deeds  and  tragic 
incident.  Weary  immigrants  toiling  onward  toward  the 

*From  the  souvenir  edition  of  The  Klamath  Fall 5  Express,  January  10, 1895. 

2/2 


The  Initial  Shot  273 

setting  sun  —  no  record  tells  how  many  —  were  here 
sacrificed  almost  on  the  very  threshold  of  their  land  of 
promise. 

Later,  when  the  enterprising  white  man,  having  seen 
and  appreciated  this  land  of  green  meadows,  silvery 
lakes  and  crystal  streams,  determined  to  possess  it, 
brave  settlers,  representing  that  hardy  race  of  men  and 
women  who  have  led  the  hosts  of  civilization  across  the 
continent,  planted  settlements  here;  but  a  band  of  about 
three  hundred  renegade  Modocs,  under  the  leadership 
of  Captain  Jack,  renouncing  the  authority  of  brave  old 
Schonchin,  the  rightful  chief,  inaugurated  a  reign  of 
terror  throughout  the  lake  country. 

During  the  summer  of  1872  many  petitions  were  for 
warded  through  the  Indian  Department,  asking  the  au 
thorities  at  Washington  to  order  the  removal  of  Captain 
Jack's  band  from  the  vicinity  of  Tule  Lake,  their  ancient 
home,  to  the  Klamath  Reservation,  and  to  keep  them 
there.  Orders  were  finally  received  by  the  Superinten 
dent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  Oregon,  Hon.  Thos.  B.  Oden- 
eal,  to  secure  their  removal,  peaceably  if  possible,  but 
by  force  if  necessary. 

On  his  arrival  from  Salem,  Mr.  Odeneal,  having  by 
messenger  called  upon  the  Modocs  to  return  to  the  reser 
vation  without  avail,  determined  to  place  the  matter  in 
the  hands  of  Capt.  James  Jackson,  of  the  United  States 
Army,  an  officer  of  well-known  discretion  and  courage. 
At  noon,  on  the  28th  day  of  November,  1872,  Captain 
Jackson,  with  thirty-five  men  of  Company  B,  First 
United  States  Cavalry,  left  Fort  Klamath  and  arrived 
at  the  pioneer  town  of  Linkville  at  a  little  after  dark. 
Here  he  met  Superintendent  Odeneal  and  received  in 
structions  as  follows: 

"When  you  arrive  at  the  camp  of  the  Modocs,  re- 


274   Northwestern   Fights   and  Fighters 

quest  an  interview  with  the  head  men  and  say  to  them 
that  you  did  not  come  to  fight  or  to  harm  them,  but  to 
have  them  go  peaceably  to  Camp  Yainax  on  Klamath 
Reservation,  where  ample  provision  has  been  made  for 
their  comfort  and  subsistence,  and  where,  by  treaty, 
they  agreed  to  live.  Talk  kindly  but  firmly  to  them,  and 
whatever  else  you  may  do,  I  desire  to  urge  that  if  there  is 
any  fighting  let  the  Indians  be  the  aggressors.  Fire  no 
gun  except  in  self-defense,  after  they  have  first  fired  up 
on  you.  I.  D.  Applegate  will  accompany  you  as  my  rep 
resentative;  will  also  act  as  guide  and  interpreter." 

During  that  dark  rainy  night  we  made  our  way 
from  Linkville  down  the  Klamath  Valley  toward  the 
stone  bridge  on  Lost  River,  where  Captain  Jack  was 
encamped  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  About  a  third 
of  his  forces,  under  Hooker  Jim  and  the  Curly-headed 
Doctor  and  some  other  of  his  trusty  lieutenants,  were 
encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  near  the  Den 
nis  Crawley  cabin. 

We  found  it  very  difficult  in  the  darkness  to  make  our 
way  through  the  heavy  sage-brush,  foj  we  had  to  leave 
the  road  in  order  to  avoid  being  discovered  by  the  wily 
Indians  who,  doubtless,  were  observing  as  closely  as 
possible  every  movement.  We  followed  along  the  foot  of 
the  chain  of  hills  west  from  Lost  River,  and  at  daylight 
we  were  about  one  mile  west  of  the  Modoc  camp, 
which  was  at  that  point  on  the  river-bank  where  Dan 
Colwell's  residence  now  stands. 

The  company  was  formed  into  two  platoons,  and  we 
rode  directly  through  the  village  and  halted  upon  the 
river-bank,  facing  the  encampment.  As  we  came  near 
the  river,  Scar-faced  Charley,  who  had  crossed  just  be 
fore  we  came  up,  fired  at  us  from  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  shouting  at  the  same  time  to  arouse  the  sleeping 


The  Initial  Shot  275 

Indians.  In  a  moment  there  was  great  excitement  and 
commotion. 

As  soon  as  the  men  were  dismounted  and  advanced 
in  line,  standing  at  order  arms  in  front  of  the  horses, 
I  was  directed  to  enter  the  camp  to  see  Captain  Jack 
and  inform  him  of  our  friendly  mission  and  assure  him 
that  no  harm  was  intended,  but  that  he  would  be  re 
quired  to  remove  with  his  people  to  the  reservation. 
Going  from  camp  to  camp  I  was  not  able  to  find  Cap 
tain  Jack. 

As  I  came  out  of  one  of  the  huts  I  saw  Scar-faced 
coming  up  the  river-bank.  As  he  passed  Major  Jackson, 
who  was  still  mounted,  the  Major  ordered  him  to  halt, 
at  the  same  time  drawing  his  revolver.  To  this  Scar- 
faced  paid  no  attention,  but  came  on  into  the  village, 
all  the  time  haranguing  his  people  and  demanding  that 
they  fight  to  the  death;  telling  them  that  if  they  would 
be  quick  enough  they  could  kill  every  soldier  without 
the  loss  of  a  man.  With  an  oath,  he  rushed  past  me 
and  went  into  Bogus  Charley's  tent,  and  in  a  moment 
both  Scar-faced  and  Bogus  appeared  with  their  guns 
drawn,  and  called  to  the  women  and  children  to 
throw  themselves  flat  on  the  ground.  Then  I  knew  they 
were  going  to  fire  upon  us.  I  immediately  started 
toward  our  men  saying,  "Major,  they  are  going  to 
fire ! " 

At  this,  the  Major  ordered  Lieutenant  Boutelle,  who 
stood  in  advance  of  the  line,  to  take  four  men  and  arrest 
the  two  Indians  who  had  guns  in  their  hands.  As  Bou 
telle  stepped  forward  with  the  four  men,  the  two  Indians 
fired.  The  warriors  in  the  camps  and  in  the  heavy  sage 
brush  in  the  rear  of  the  village  fired  almost  simulta 
neously.  Then  all  was  din  and  commotion;  men  were 
falling  in  the  line,  the  riderless  horses  were  dashing  here 


276    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

and  there  and  kicking  among  us,  but  instantly  came  the 
order  from  the  brave  Major,  "Fire!" 

The  attack  was  so  sudden  and  desperate,  the  Modocs 
rushing  onto  us  with  demon-like  yells,  that  the  men  were 
forced  back  a  step  or  two,  and  it  seemed  for  a  moment 
that  the  thinned  line  would  yield  and  break.  But  im 
mediately  came  the  order  "Forward!"  and  it  was  like 
an  inspiration.  The  men  sprang  forward,  under  the 
leadership  of  the  brave  Boutelle,  delivering  a  deadly 
fire,  and  the  Indians  were  forced  back. 

Scar-face d's  first  shot  struck  Boutelle's  revolver,  dis 
abling  it,  and  cutting  through  the  sleeve  of  his  blouse, 
passed  through  the  clothing  on  his  right  shoulder.  Scar- 
faced  was  knocked  down  by  a  bullet  which  cut  through 
the  handkerchief  he  had  tied  around  his  head,  and 
Watchman,  Captain  Jack's  most  daring  lieutenant,  fell, 
riddled  with  bullets,  almost  at  our  feet.  Boutelle's  calm 
ness  saved  us.  Speaking  to  the  men  coolly  and  con 
fidently,  he  led  the  charge  into  and  through  the  village, 
driving  the  Indians  out,  advancing  his  skirmish-line 
far  beyond  into  the  heavy  sage-brush. 

O.  C.  Applegate,  who  was  to  take  charge  of  Captain 
Jack's  band  in  case  they  came  onto  the  reservation, 
rode  from  his  station  at  Yainaxon  November  28th,  reach 
ing  Linkville  (Klamath  Falls)  late  in  the  evening.  Super 
intendent  Odeneal  informed  him  of  the  movement  on 
foot  and  requested  him  to  be  present  to  assist  in  securing, 
if  possible,  a  peaceable  removal  of  the  Modocs.  With 
the  Klamath  scout,  Dave  Hill,  and  five  trusty  citizens,  he 
forded  Lost  River  near  the  Lone  Pine  that  night  and 
reached  the  Crawley  cabin,  near  Hooker  Jim's  camp, 
about  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth,  finding  there 
Messenger  Brown  of  the  Indian  Department,  Dennis 
Crawley,  Dan  Colwell  and  a  few  other  citizens.  When 


The  Initial  Shot  277 

daylight  revealed  the  presence  of  the  cavalry  in  Captain 
v  Jack's  camp,  Hooker's  men  made  a  rush  for  their  canoes, 
evidently  to  reinforce  Captain  Jack,  but  were  prevented 
by  the  citizens.  The  object  of  the  authorities  was  ex 
plained  to  the  Indians,  and  a  few  of  them  were  in  the  act 
of  giving  up  their  arms  when  the  firing  began  at  Cap 
tain  Jack's  camp. 

Instantly  the  Modocs  fired  on  the  citizens  and  a  fierce 
fight  at  close  range  took  place,  so  that,  looking  across 
the  river  during  the  fight  with  Captain  Jack,  we  could 
see  another  battle  going  on  almost  opposite  to  us.  Two 
citizens,  Jack  Thurber  and  William  Nus,  were  killed 
and  Joe  Penning  was  maimed  for  life,  and  the  Indians, 
securing  their  own  horses,  which  were  near  at  hand, 
escaped  to  the  long  rocky  ridge  east  of  where  the  Frank 
Adams'  farm  is  now  located;  while  the  citizens  rallied 
at  the  Crawley  cabin. 

Captain  Jack,  with  most  of  his  best  and  most  des 
perate  men,  had  made  good  his  escape,  though  at  the 
time  both  he  and  Scar-faced  were  reported  among  the 
killed,  even  by  the  prisoners.  We  had  lost  Sergeant 
Harris,  killed,  and  as  nearly  as  I  can  remember,  six 
men  were  mortally  wounded,  and  several  others  pain 
fully  though  not  dangerously  hurt.  Among  the  Indians 
killed  were  Watchman  and  We-sing-ko-pos,  leading 
warriors,  and  Black  Jim,  Long  Jim  and  Miller's  Charley 
were  among  the  wounded.  The  loss  on  our  side  amount 
ed  to  fully  a  third  of  the  military  force  then  in  the  field, 
and  was  quite  sufficient  to  disable  Captain  Jackson's 
small  force  for  the  time  being. 

After  the  fight  Captain  Jackson  sent  his  wounded 
across  the  river  in  a  canoe,  Dave  Hill  being  the  oars 
man;  Surgeon  McEldery  and  a  few  more  as  a  guard 
were  also  taken  over  and  the  men  were  conveyed  to  the 


278    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

Crawley  cabin.  The  remaining  troopers  mounted  their 
jaded  horses  and,  as  there  was  no  ford  in  the  vicinity, 
hastily  rode  up  toward  the  Stukel  Ford  seven  miles 
distant.  Before  arriving,  at  the  ford  word  reached  them 
that  Jack  and  his  infuriated  men  had  renewed  the  fight. 
Looking  toward  Tule  Lake  great  volumes  of  smoke 
could  be  seen  arising  from  burning  buildings.  Dashing 
through  the  rapid  ford,  the  poor  horses  seemed  to  real 
ize  the  awful  situation  as  they  put  forth  renewed  effort 
down  the  river  with  utmost  speed  on  the  east  side,  and 
soon  the  cavalry  rode  onto  the  ground  where  the  citizens 
and  Hooker's  men  had  so  lately  fought,  but  the  wily 
savage  was  already  wreaking  vengeance  on  the  inoffen 
sive  settlers,  beyond  the  ridge  on  the  plains  at  the  head 
of  Tule  Lake. 

The  butchering  and  devastation  on  Tule  Lake  had 
already  begun,  and  eighteen  settlers  were  added  that 
day  to  the  long  list  of  Modoc  victims. 

On  that  fateful  day,  a  few  miles  below  the  scene  of  the 
fight,  a  mule  team  was  seen  coming  toward  the  Boddy 
residence,  but  no  driver  held  the  reins.  Mrs.  Boddy  se 
cured,  unhitched  and  stabled  the  team.  Very  uneasy, 
she  called  to  her  married  daughter,  Mrs.  Schira,  and 
hastily  the  two  women  started  toward  the  woods  where 
the  men  had  gone  that  morning  to  their  accustomed 
work.  They  had  not  gone  far  when  they  saw  the  Indians 
not  far  away  and  heard  the  awful  war-whoop.  Soon 
they  came  upon  the  stripped  and  mutilated  body  of 
Mr.  Schira,  and  soon  after  those  of  Mr.  Boddy  and  his 
older  son. 

The  younger  boy  who  had  been  on  the  plain  below 
herding  sheep  could  not  be  seen,  and  the  sheep  were 
wandering  at  will  among  the  sage.  The  heroic  but  horror- 
stricken  women  knew  that  all  were  killed;  that  nothing 


The  Initial  Shot  279 

remained  for  them  but  to  seek  their  own  safety  in  flight, 
to  hide  themselves  among  the  juniper  and  mahogany, 
in  the  almost  trackless  and,  to  them,  unknown  woods. 
Struggling  onward,  they  knew  not  whither,  only  that 
they  felt  that  they  were  going  away  from  a  sad  and 
awful  scene,  soon  night  settled  upon  them  among  the 
mountain  solitudes.  As  they  shivered  amid  the  snow  and 
strove  to  look  down  through  tears  of  burning  anguish 
toward  the  mutilated  forms  of  dear  ones  and  upon  deso 
lated  homes,  what  tongue  could  tell,  what  pen  depict 
the  poignancy  of  their  grief  ? 


CHAPTER  FIVE 

Reminiscences  by  Maj.  J.  G.  Trimble, 
United  States  Army,  (Retired) 

I.     The  Kind  of  Country  They  Marched  Over 

SHOULD  an  officer  stationed  in  Oregon  receive 
an  order  about  the  25th  of  December  to  march 
his  company  three  hundred  miles  to  take  part 
in  an  Indian  war,  both  he  and  his  men  would, 
most  likely,  consider  the  same  a  very  cool  proceeding. 
And  they  did.   Now,  this  is  about  the  distance  from 
Camp  Harney  to  the  Modoc  country.    Our  instructions 
were  "light  marching  order,"  instead  of  comfortable 
wagons  where  one  could  stow  a  tent  and  numberless 
blankets.  However,  what  comforts  or  necessaries  could 
be  taken  along  were  piled  upon  those  unfortunate  mules 
and  off  we  went. 

The  snow  lay  pretty  deep  at  home,  but  we  launched 
out  into  the  great  prairie,  which  resembled  one  huge, 
fleecy  cloud,  and  in  imagination  the  effect  was  the  same 
as  riding  on  the  unsubstantial  sky  which  possessed  al 
most  as  much  sustaining  power.  We  plodded  on  through 
the  virgin  whiteness,  never  before  disturbed  by  foot  or 
hoof,  and  at  the  day's  end  dismounted  to  sleep  in  its 
folds.  The  old  campaigner  does  not,  however,  take  such 
a  desolate  view  of  the  situation. 

280 


Reminiscences  by  Major  Trimble  281 

Instantly,  on  halting,  the  great  sage-brush  plant  is 
lighted;  no  shivering  over  a  few  green  boughs  or  satu 
rated  logs  dug  from  the  wet,  but  a  veritable  can  of  kero 
sene.  This  great  source  of  comfort  in  the  winter  wilder 
ness  grows  to  the  height  of  six  feet  or  more,  bearing 
branches  some  inches  in  thickness  and  a  stock  fully 
half  a  foot  in  diameter,  all  oily  and  odorous.  One  bush 
is  sufficient  to  thaw  the  benumbed  feet  and  limber  the 
aching  joints.  Then  a  pile  can  be  gathered  for  the  cooks 
and  the  fire  by  night.  And  in  the  same  dreary  neighbor 
hood  grows  the  red  willow  fringing  the  springs ;  this  adds 
an  intensity  to  the  heat  more  than  enough  for  all  pur 
poses. 

Thus  we  moved  on  day  by  day,  varying  the  monotony 
by  an  occasional  dousing  in  slightly  frozen  streams, 
climbing  the  rugged  bluffs,  skirting  the  shallow  lakes, 
winding  over  the  great  alkali  plains  that  are  even  in 
summer  white  as  snow.  At  the  end  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  we  ascended  the  mountain  ridge  that  in 
closes  old  Camp  Warner. 

Now  we  quitted  the  sage-brush  and  the  wind-swept 
valley  for  the  somber  solitude  of  the  forest.  Here  the 
snow  lies  deeper,  and  our  tired  and  panting  animals 
must  be  lightened  and  shown  the  way.  Here  our  spare 
grain  sacks  of  "chicken  gunny"  are  brought  into  ser 
vice  for  foot-covering;  and  unlucky  is  he  who  fails  to 
secure  a  supply  of  these  air-letting  stockings,  the  coarse 
ness  of  the  texture  preventing  the  melting  of  the  snow 
on  the  foot. 

Now  is  our  camp  cheered  by  the  fires  from  the  pine, 
fir  and  juniper,  and  we  linger  long  at  night  beside  the 
fragrant  heat.  The  hungry  horses  champ  the  scanty 
supper  from  the  canvas  nose-bag,  threshing  their  icy 
tails  and  glancing  with  knowing  looks  at  the  accustomed 


282    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

blaze.  The  isolated  sentinel  moves  cautiously  among 
them  or  seeks  shelter  beside  the  convenient  tree.  The 
storm  rages  far  overhead,  and  the  air  is  filled  with 
glistening  diamond-like  particles.  The  great  forest 
monarchs  bend  and  crack  in  the  blast,  ever  and  anon 
with  a  shiver  discharging  their  overladen  tops.  At  last 
fatigue  claims  rest.  So,  scooping  the  snow  from  the 
frozen  ground  on  which  we  scatter  a  few  hemlock 
boughs,  all  stretch  themselves  beside  the  smoldering 
logs  in  chilly  slumber.  This  is  the  oft-repeated  picture 
of  our  bivouac. 

In  the  dark,  cold  morning  after  rather  superficial 
ablutions,  the  frozen  lash-ropes  are  thawed,  the  packs 
adjusted  and  we  move  out,  but  do  not  mount;  horses 
will  wade  through  snow  two  feet  deep  by  alternating 
the  lead,  but  beyond  that  man  must  break  the  way.  So 
on  we  go,  up  and  down  the  mountain,  plunging  some 
times  armpit  deep,  dragging  our  unwilling  beasts  and 
often  stopping  to  rescue  a  comrade  or  his  horse  from 
total  submersion.  The  blazes  on  the  trees  are  quite  in 
distinct,  the  storm  battening  the  snow  far  up  on  the 
weather  side.  The  fairy-like  track  of  the  snowshoer  can 
be  sometimes  sighted  through  the  timber.  He  is  our 
mail-carrier  in  these  parts.  Lightly  equipped  with  let 
ter-bag  and  staff,  he  skims  quietly  past  the  pine  open 
ings,  up  and  over  the  ridge,  and  disappears.  He  is  sel 
dom  met  by  the  weary  traveler  blundering  along  the 
heavy  trail,  who  casts  envious  glances  at  the  beautiful 
mark  which  impresses  him  as  the  sign  of  some  subtle, 
hidden  motor.  Still  on  we  trudged  and  finally  descended 
the  long  mountain  side  into  Goose  Lake  Valley.  Now 
we  embarked  upon  the  ice,  and  a  full  day's  journey  was 
made  over  the  bosom  of  this  beautiful  lake. 

Again  our  route  took  us  through  the  sage-covered 


Reminiscences  by  Major  Trimble  283 

knolls  and  into  a  valley  where  the  snow  lay  even  deeper 
than  before.  A  cabin  was  spied  on  the  hillside  like  a 
black  blur  on  the  snowscape.  Here  the  cattle-men  were 
hibernating  through  the  cold  snap,  their  nearest  neigh 
bor  being  fifty  miles  away.  Thence  on  through  the  sleet 
and  storm,  until  at  the  end  of  two  long  weeks  we  halted 
beside  the  Agency  of  the  Klamath.  After  a  short  rest  at 
this  point,  we  again  mounted  and  plunged  into  the 
forest-covered  spurs  of  the  Sierras.  And  so  we  went  on 
for  fifty  more  miles  till  Lost  River  was  found.  The  main 
command  joined  and  the  campaign  began. 

II.     The  Kind  of  Country  They  Fought  In 

The  great  lava-bed  where  the  desperate  Modoc  In 
dians  took  refuge  is  situated  in  northeastern  California, 
on  the  extreme  verge  of  the  State.  In  extent  it  is  about 
five  miles  by  three  and  a  half  and  covers  an  area  of  fif 
teen  hundred  acres,  where  the  lava  plain  is  well  defined, 
although  the  lava  country  extends  for  many  miles  far 
ther,  even  to  Pitt  River  and  Goose  Lake.  The  McLeod 
range  of  mountains  bound  the  upper  or  southern  side,  a 
beautiful  timbered  range,  on  the  highest  peaks  of  which 
the  snow  remains  throughout  the  year.  Directly  at  the 
base  of  these  mountains  stand  the  rows  of  Lava  Buttes 
or  extinct  craters,  red,  grimy,  and  uncanny  to  behold. 

The  plain  from  these  descends  by  gentle  inclination 
to  the  lake,  a  body  of  water  some  twenty  miles  in  length 
by  a  mile  or  two  in  width,  varying  in  extent  and  depth 
as  the  conformation  of  the  land  gives  scope.  The  general 
side  of  approach  is  bounded  by  a  line  of  almost  precipi 
tous  bluffs  covered  with  grass,  except  where  rough  over 
hanging  ledges  of  rock  crop  out,  barring  all  passage  or 
confining  the  trail  to  one  particular  route.  The  eastern 
side  presents  an  apparently  open  way  through  slightly 


284    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

undulating  knolls;  but  the  country  is  so  broken  and 
strewn  with  boulders  and  blocks  of  stone  that  no  very 
easy  access  is  to  be  had  even  on  that  side. 

Standing  on  the  highest  eminence,  the  eye  can  scarce 
ly  traverse  or  take  in  the  whole  area  of  this  blighted 
region.  An  elevated  ridge,  or  series  of  upheavals,  ex 
tends  completely  through  the  center  from  lake  to  moun 
tain,  and  in  the  center  of  this  ridge  are  located  the  caves 
or  strongholds  selected  as  the  best  defense  by  the  In 
dians.  Into  these  the  animals  which  provided  subsist 
ence  during  the  siege  were  driven  and  slaughtered. 

Notwithstanding  the  sterility  of  this  section  as  a  whole, 
abundant  and  luxurious  grass  is  to  be  found  struggling 
through  the  cracks  and  crannies  of  the  rock;  sage-brush 
and  greasewood  abound  which  would  supply  the  needs 
of  many  men  for  many  months.  The  one  thing  lacking, 
when  the  lake  is  guarded  by  an  army,  is  water;  and  this 
it  was  that  practically  caused  the  abandonment  or  change 
of  quarters  by  the  Modocs  as  the  warm  weather  ap 
proached. 

The  troops  marched  for  the  first  time  into  the  lava- 
bed  from  a  distance  of  about  ten  miles  and  descended  the 
bluffs  by  a  trail  a  mile  or  more  in  length  through  a  dense 
fog.  Very  few  of  the  soldiers  knew  what  such  a  spot 
resembled  or  what  it  was.  No  wonder  then  that  they 
should  be  defeated  where  every  step  was  obstructed  by 
blocks  of  slippery  lava  the  size  of  houses,  and  pits  or 
pot-holes  the  depth  of  mining-shafts;  where  the  foe 
could  fire  from  the  right,  the  left,  above  and  below.  Even 
subterranean  passages,  leading  from  cave  to  cave,  facili 
tated  attack  and  rendered  retreat  a  certainty.  The  only 
counterpart  to  such  a  battle-ground  in  the  annals  of  our 
Indian  fighting  was  the  Everglades  of  Florida,  and  there 
the  forces  were  equally  stubborn  and  alert. 


Reminiscences  by  Major  Trimble    285 

The  dead  victims  of  the  effort  to  dislodge  them  were 
bestowed  in  five  different  graveyards;  and  so  uncertain 
was  life  throughout  the  campaign  that  many  reflected 
only  upon  what  part  of  the  sulphurous  domain  their 
bones  would  be  cast.  Four  and  five  separate  and  dis 
tinct  days  of  battle  were  expended  against  the  rocky 
fortresses;  but  the  general  ignorance  of  the  country,  the 
lack  of  woodcraft  and  knowledge  of  Indians,  as  well  as 
bad  management  of  troops  due  to  inexperience  brought 
only  disaster,  discouragement  and  humiliation.  Finally 
superstition,  the  want  of  cohesion,  and  treachery  among 
themselves  scattered  the  savages  and  made  them  an 
easy  prey  to  the  constantly  increasing  command  sur 
rounding  them.  The  soldiers  worked  hard  and  with 
stood  much  exposure,  tramping  through  the  snow  and 
lava  with  bandaged  feet  quite  often,  as  the  glassy  lava 
and  scoria  beds  cut  through  shoe  and  leather  as  through 
paper;  sleeping  at  night  on  the  bare  rock,  and  frequently 
this  latter  comfort  was  denied,  when  anticipated  alarm 
or  the  night  of  travel  required  many  of  their  number  to 
be  afoot.  A  long  dreary  winter!  And  for  what  ?  To  drive 
a  couple  of  hundred  miserable  aborigines  from  a  deso 
late  natural  shelter  in  the  wilderness,  that  a  few  thriv 
ing  cattle-men  might  ranch  their  wild  steers  in  a  scope 
of  isolated  country,  the  dimensions  of  some  several  rea 
sonable-sized  counties. 


CHAPTER  SIX 

The  Killing  of  the  Commissioners 

By  Major  Trimble 


f  "^HERE  were  a  great  many  tragical  and  pa 
thetic  happenings  in  the  lava-beds  during  the 
Modoc  War  in  1873.  ^n  ^act>  a^  occurrences 
.  <Bt  were  tinged  more  or  less  with  diabolism. 
Now  these  matters  acquired  in  the  minds  of  every  one 
the  feeling  just  expressed  by  reason  of  the  hesitancy 
with  which  the  campaign  was  prosecuted.  At  least,  that 
is  my  own  humble  opinion.  The  mail-carriers  were  kept 
busy  and  the  wires  were  kept  warm  conveying  every 
word  spoken  and  every  movement  undertaken  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  seat  of  war  to  Washington,  and  from 
Washington  to  the  Peace  Commissioners;  and  every 
thing  that  leaked  out  from  their  deliberations  found  its 
way  to  eager  newspapers,  and  was  there  rehashed,  re- 
colored  and  fed  to  the  community  at  large.  So  each  and 
every  actor  felt  as  though  a  great  drama  in  many  acts 
was  being  played,  each  one  startling  the  audience  more 
than  the  one  previously.  First  it  was  war,  then  peace, 
then  council,  then  murder,  then  war  again.  Such  veering 
and  hauling  was  never  before  experienced  by  landsman 
or  sailor. 

General  Canby  and  his  colleagues  had  twice  before 

286 


The  Killing  of  the   Commissioners  287 

put  their  lives  in  jeopardy;  but  on  the  fateful  morning 
of  their  last  attempt  the  very  sky  was  ominous  of  im 
pending  disaster.  Talk  had  been  going  on  the  night  be 
fore,  and  very  early  in  the  morning  an  occasional  swarthy 
Modoc  could  be  seen  flitting  through  the  uncomfortable 
camp,  while  men  and  officers  gathered  into  little  groups 
discussing  the  possibilities.  When  the  commissioners 
emerged  from  the  General's  tent  the  snow  was  falling, 
and  the  wind  swept  dismally  across  the  rocky  fastnesses. 
One  experienced  officer  remarked  to  me  that  the  party 
was  wrong  in  going  to  meet  the  Indians  on  that  day. 
His  utterance  struck  me  with  prophetic  force.  So  an 
other  and  myself  repaired  at  once  to  the  signal-station 
to  watch,  if  possible,  anything  occurring  at  the  council 
ground. 

To  retrace  a  little,  when  the  commissioners  were 
fully  prepared  to  start  for  the  council  tent,  situated  by 
the  lake  side  and  distant  but  half  a  mile,  it  was  notice 
able  that  General  Canby  was  dressed  in  his  full  uniform, 
wearing  his  high  black  felt  hat  with  gold  cord.  His  ap 
pearance  was  both  handsome  and  dignified.  He  doubt 
less  expected  this  to  be  a  culminating  assembly,  when 
the  Modocs  would  either  submit  to  the  will  of  the  au 
thorities  or  become  outlaws  in  reality.  Rev.  Dr.  Thomas 
walked  by  the  General's  side,  a  position  he  always 
held  both  in  conference  and  in  camp.  Mr.  Meacham 
was  mounted  on  the  fleet  old  race  horse  belonging 
to  John  Fairchild  and  he  seemed  very  proud  of  his 
mount.  Agent  Dyer  followed  with  his  particular  charge, 
the  Indian  woman  Toby,  and  "her  man,"  a  white  man 
by  the  way.  This  Indian  woman  had  exhibited  through 
out  the  morning  great  perturbation,  as,  from  hints 
dropped  by  hostile  visitors  on  the  night  before,  she 
feared  the  very  treachery  that  followed.  In  fact,  she  had 


288    Northwestern   Fights   and  Fighters 

given  a  solemn  warning  of  what  would  happen.  How 
ever,  the  General,  who  was  chief,  had  passed  his  word 
that  the  meeting  would  take  place  at  the  hour  appointed; 
and  he  intended  to  keep  it  at  all  hazards,  fondly  hoping 
that  the  vexatious  matter  would  be  ended  to  the  credit 
of  the  Government  and  in  justice  to  the  savage.  General 
Canby  was  a  man  of  the  highest  personal  honor  and 
courage. 

After  the  departure  01  the  commission,  Dr.  McEldery 
and  I  immediately  climbed  up  the  steep  bluff  overlook 
ing  the  distant  scene  and  took  a  stand  quite  near  the 
signal-officer,  Lieutenant  I.  Q.  Adams,  First  Cavalry, 
who,  with  his  sergeant,  had  been  keeping  watch  since 
early  dawn.  After  observing  a  little  desultory  flagging 
from  Colonel  Mason's  camp,  distant  four  miles  across 
the  lava-beds,  Lieutenant  Adams  sprang  up  in  great  ex 
citement,  and  gave  the  glass  to  the  Doctor,  with  strict  in 
junctions  to  keep  it  on  the  council  tent  while  he  read  a 
most  important  message  from  Mason.  Then,  seizing  the 
flag  from  the  soldier,  he  began  an  energetic  series  of 
wig-wag  motions.  Then  he  told  us  the  result  of  his  com 
munication  with  the  station  at  Colonel  Mason's  camp. 

He  said  that  Lieutenant  Sherwood  had  been  shot  by 
the  Modocs,  and  that  Major  Boyle  had  narrowly  escaped 
being  shot  also !  It  happened  that  these  officers  had  left 
their  camp  but  a  few  moments  before  to  hold  a  parley 
with  the  Indians,  though  at  long  range,  and  as  the  latter 
had  no  doubt  decided  to  begin  war  that  day,  they  se 
lected  these  two  as  the  first  and  most  convenient  vic 
tims.  Well,  after  this  sad  message  had  been  confirmed 
by  a  few  more  signals,  the  Lieutenant  resumed  the 
glass.  We  were  naturally  filled  with  foreboding  for  the 
General  and  his  brave  companions. 

Almost  in  a  moment  he  announced  an  unusual  stir 


The  Killing  of  the   Commissioners  289 

at  the  tent.  I  will  mention  here  that  Adams  was  a  most 
expert  signal-officer,  having  been  quite  prominent  in 
that  capacity  during  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  Keen 
of  eye  and  very  attentive  to  duty,  he  rendered  most  im 
portant  service  throughout  this  war  from  the  very  be 
ginning. 

The  words  just  referred  to  were  scarcely  uttered  when 
we  all  heard  firing  at  the  tent,  though  very  faintly,  and 
in  a  moment  the  Doctor,  who  was  very  keen-sighted, 
saw  the  tall  form  of  the  General  stagger  out  into  the 
open  and  fall.  Lieutenant  Adams  jumped  to  the  edge 
of  the  bluff  and  called  out  to  the  camp  below: 

"They  are  firing  on  the  commission!" 

All  were  astir  in  a  moment.  I  ran  down  and  as 
sembled  my  troop,  dismounted,  and  started  without  fur 
ther  order  for  the  scene.  Others  were  as  quick  to  form 
and  move  at  double  time,  but  alas,  the  distance  of 
half  a  mile  in  the  lava-beds  was  as  hard  to  traverse  as 
five  times  that  on  ordinary  ground.  When  the  troops, 
consisting  of  nearly  the  whole  force,  arrived  on  the 
scene  the  massacre  had  been  accomplished. 

The  General  and  his  faithful  friend  and  co-laborer, 
Dr.  Thomas,  lay  dead  some  little  distance  in  the  rear  or 
toward  our  camp.  Mr.  Meacham  was  discovered  bleed 
ing  from  several  wounds,  though  alive.  He  had  made  a 
strong  effort  to  escape,  though  his  horse,  which  I  pre 
sume  he  intended  should  aid  him  if  required,  had  been 
taken  off  by  the  murderers.  The  arrangement  of  the 
council  caused  him  to  be  separated  from  this  resource. 
Agent  Dyer  escaped  by  the  aid  of  his  little  pistol,  a  ruse 
he  had  practised  in  violating  the  treaty  or  obligation 
that  all  parties  should  meet  unarmed.  I  do  not  believe 
there  will  ever  be  another  such  covenant.  The  woman 
Toby  and  "her  man"  Riddle  were  unhurt,  though  at 


290    Northwestern   Fights  and  Fighters 

the  fatal  moment  at  hearing  the  watchword  of  Jack, 
"At-tux"  (all  ready),  she  sprang  to  avert  the  demon's 
will,  but  in  vain.  For  her  faithful  service  during  this 
war,  through  peril  and  in  hardship  endured,  a  pension 
was  given  her  which  she  enjoyed  until  her  death  some 
years  later. 

Our  large  camp  under  the  great  cragged  bluffs  was 
that  night  a  house  of  mourning.  Officers  took  turns  in 
watching  the  dead  form  of  their  commander  day  by 
day,  until  his  honored  remains  were  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  some  twenty  or  more  stalwart  veterans  up 
the  rocky,  winding  trail,  and  deposited  in  the  ambulance 
which  conveyed  them  away  to  other  friends  and  civiliza 
tion.  Thereafter  several  other  bodies  traversed  the  same 
dismal  journey,  conveyed  in  the  same  manner  and 
equally  the  victims  of  the  Modocs'  wrath. 

MEMORANDUM    OF    THE    ASSASSINATION    MADE    BY    MAJOR    BIDDLE, 
ANOTHER    EYE-WITNFSS. 

I  was  sitting  in  the  signal-station  with  the  signal-officer  when  the  firing  commenced 
on  the  other  side  of  the  lake.  The  signal-officer  ran  down  to  report  it  and  asked  me  to 
watch  the  tent  where  the  meeting  took  place.  I  saw  a  commotion  and  the  commissioners 
and  General  Canby  try  to  escape,  and  two  Indians  pursuing  him  and  firing  at  him  till 
he  fell.  I  saw  them  go  up  to  him,  I  thought  to  scalp  him,  but  they  did  not;  just  took 
his  clothes  —  a  portion  of  them.  I  could  not  identify  the  Indians  through  the  glass,  so 
could  not  be  a  witness  at  the  trial. 


CHAPTER  SEVEN 

The  First  and  Second  Battles  in  the  Lava- 
Beds,  and  the  Capture  of  Captain  Jack 

By  Brig. -Gen.  David  Perry,  United  States  Army 
(Retired) 

THE  Modocs  were  a  small  band  of  Indians, 
located  on  Lost  River,  Oregon.  Lost  River 
empties  into  Tule  Lake,  which  lies  partly  in 
California  and  partly  in  Oregon.  These  In 
dians,  numbering  about  seventy-five  or  eighty  adult 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  were  camped  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  bordering  on  the  lake.  They 
traded  back  and  forth  to  Yreka,  California,  and  many 
could  speak  a  little  broken  English.  So  far  as  I  could 
learn  they  were  entirely  peaceful,  and,  according  to 
tradition,  their  ancestors  for  many  generations  had  in 
habited  that  region.  This,  however,  was  not  included 
in  the  Indian  Reservation;  therefore  this  small  band  of 
Indians  must  be  removed  from  the  home  of  their  child 
hood,  the  land  of  their  ancestors,  that  the  white  man 
might  possess  it.  To  this  the  red  men  demurred  and  it 
was,  therefore,  decided  to  send  Jackson's  troop  of  the 
First  Cavalry  from  Fort  Klamath,  Oregon,  by  a  sudden 
and  stealthy  march  at  night,  surround  them  at  daylight, 
and  move  them  forcibly  on  to  the  reservation  they  hated. 

291 


292    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

To  the  Indian  Department  this  apparently  seemed  an 
easy  matter.  How  easy  subsequent  events  show. 

Jackson  made  the  attempt  and  appeared  before  the 
astonished  Indians  on  the  morning  of  November  29, 
1872.  The  latter,  evidently  considering  this  treatment  a 
declaration  of  war,  opened  fire  upon  the  troops  and  then 
fled  to  the  lava-beds.  They  had  undoubtedly  considered 
this  emergency  and  were  prepared  for  it. 

The  lava-bed  was  of  irregular  shape,  estimated 
roughly  to  be  thirty-five  miles  north  to  south  and  twenty- 
five  east  to  west,  and  washed  by  Tule  Lake  on  north 
east  and  east  side.  In  the  lava-bed  were  a  number  of 
extinct  volcanoes,  all  of  which  had  at  some  time  assisted 
in  distributing  this  enormous  amount  of  lava.  Most  of 
it  was  of  a  dark  color  about  the  same  as  the  Indians, 
and  appeared  like  a  solid  molten  mass  suddenly  cooled. 
There  were  many  caverns  and  fissures,  undoubtedly 
known  to  the  Modocs,  as  I  shall  hereafter  designate 
these  Indians.  There  was  only  one  trail  over  which 
animals  could  be  taken,  traversing  the  lava-bed  from 
northwest  to  southeast,  but  animals  might  be  taken 
around  the  edge  of  the  lake,  although  exceedingly  rough. 
This  scoria,  or  lava,  had  hardened  in  undulations  or 
waves,  some  of  them  reminding  one  of  the  waves  of  the 
Atlantic  on  the  Jersey  coast,  could  they  be  caught  and 
held  rigidly  as  you  observe  them  coming  in,  one  after 
the  other.  These,  as  can  readily  be  seen,  formed  admi 
rable  natural  defenses,  the  Modocs  retiring  from  one 
crest  to  another  as  the  troops  advanced,  and  invariably, 
from  their  concealed  position,  inflicting  loss. 

At  this  time  I  was  stationed  at  Camp  Warner,  Oregon, 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  lava-beds. 
The  news  of  Jackson's  fight  and  orders  to  proceed  at 
once  with  my  troop  to  his  camp  reached  me  by  courier 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds        293 

about  December  2,  1872.  Upon  my  arrival,  I  found 
Bernard  with  his  troop  First  Cavalry  already  there,  he 
having  gone  from  Britwell,  California.  And  Major  John 
Green  (affectionately  designated  by  his  younger  officers 
as  Uncle  Johnnie),  than  whom  no  braver  man  ever  wore 
the  uniform.  v 

By  this  time  it  became  certain  that  we  were  confronted 
with  no  easy  task,  and  troops  were  ordered  in  from  all 
near-by  garrisons,  including  about  one  hundred  Oregon 
militia,  reinforced  by  a  major  and  a  brigadier-general 
from  the  same  State,  who  looked  upon  the  whole  affair 
as  a  sort  of  picnic.  In  the  meantime,  Bernard,  with  his 
own  and  Jackson's  troop,  had  been  ordered  to  the  south 
end  of  the  lake  to  prevent  the  Modocs  leaving  the  lava- 
beds  by  that  route.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wheaton  (brevet 
Major-General)  had  arrived  from  Warner  and  assumed 
command  and  moved  our  camp  from  the  mouth  of  Lost 
River  to  Van  Bremmer's  Ranch,  about  ten  miles  far 
ther  west,  as  being  more  accessible,  both  as  a  rendezvous 
for  troops  and  for  supplying  them,  as  everything  had  to 
be  shipped  via  Yreka,  California. 

All  being  in  readiness,  it  was  decided  to  attack  the 
Modocs  on  the  iyth  of  January,  1873.  Bernard  was  to 
move  up  the  trail  along  the  lake,  leaving  his  horses  in 
camp,  and  traveling  at  night,  capture  the  Indian  stock 
(ponies)  grazing  on  the  lake  front.  In  this  he  was  suc 
cessful.  After  that  and  simultaneously  with  our  attack 
of  the  Modoc  position  on  the  west,  he  was  ordered  to 
strike  them  from  the  east.  What  was  afterward  known 
as  "Jack's  Stronghold"  was  near  the  lake  and  about 
midway  between  the  east  and  west  attacking  points. 

We  moved  out  the  afternoon  of  the  i6th  and  made  a 
dry  camp  that  night  about  one  mile  from  the  bluff  at  the 
north  end  of  the  lava-bed.  This  bluff  was  very  steep 


294    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  high,  undoubtedly  putting  a  stop  to  the  further  flow 
of  lava  in  that  direction;  but  by  erosion  there  was  quite 
a  space  grass-covered  at  the  bottom,  large  enough  to 
enable  us  later  to  put  our  whole  command,  much  in 
creased,  in  camp  there.  The  command  on  the  north  side 
consisted  of  a  battalion  of  infantry  under  command  of 
Major  Mason,  my  troop  of  cavalry,  and  the  Oregon 
militia,  the  whole  under  command  of  Colonel  Wheaton. 
We  moved  soon  after  daylight,  the  infantry  taking  the 
head  of  the  column,  the  cavalry  following,  and  the  Ore 
gon  militia  bringing  up  the  rear. 

Before  the  fight  it  had  been  a  joke  around  camp  that 
"there  wouldn't  be  enough  Indians  to  go  round."  As 
I  stood  on  the  bluff  and  gazed  out  above  the  lava-bed 
that  morning,  it  conveyed  the  impression  of  an  immense 
lake.  A  mist  or  fog  hung  over  it,  so  dense  that  nothing 
transpiring  therein  was  visible,  while  about  us  at  the 
top  of  the  bluff  all  was  clear.  To  see  the  column  go  half 
way  down  and  then  disappear  from  view  entirely  was, 
to  say  the  least,  uncanny  and  might  have  suggested  the 
words  of  Dante's  "Inferno,"  "All  hope  abandon,  ye  who 
enter  here." 

But  I  did  not  have  time  to  indulge  in  fancies  inspired 
by  the  sight  of  disappearing  troops,  as  my  turn  to 
move  soon  came,  closely  following  the  infantry  which 
deployed  so  soon  as  the  descent  was  accomplished,  their 
left  vesting  on  the  lake.  I  deployed  my  troop  on  the  right 
of  the  infantry,  and  the  militia  in  turn  took  position  on 
my  right.  These  dispositions  had  not  been  completed 
when  the  Modocs  opened  fire  upon  us,  and  the  first  man 
hit  was  a  militiaman  who  was  on  the  way  to  his  position, 
passing  in  rear  of  my  line.  At  the  same  time  we  could 
hear  the  reports  from  Bernard's  guns,  showing  that  he 
was  attacking  as  directed. 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds       295 

In  this  way  we  pushed  or  worked  along  for  perhaps 
a  mile,  the  men  screening  themselves  as  well  as  possible. 
No  Indians  could  be  seen;  they,  of  course,  were  much 
scattered  in  order  to  contest  the  advance  of  our  whole 
front,  the  troops  being  much  more  numerous  than  the 
Modocs.  The  Indians  would  lie  behind  the  crest  of  the 
waves,  before  mentioned,  their  black  faces  just  the  color 
of  the  lava;  and,  after  firing,  retreat  to  some  other  crest, 
where  the  same  thing  was  repeated.  They  never  exposed 
themselves  for  an  instant,  and  the  first  warning  the 
troops  would  have  of  their  proximity  would  be  the 
cracking  of  rifles  and  the  groan  of  a  comrade,  with  per 
haps  a  glimpse  of  curling  smoke  as  the  fog  lightened. 

Knowing  as  they  did  every  crevice  and  fissure  through 
which  to  escape  detection  after  each  shot,  it  can  readily 
be  seen  what  obstacles  the  troops  had  to  overcome  in 
order  to  make  any  progress  at  all.  These  conditions 
continued,  with  the  exception  of  the  fog,  which  gradu 
ally  lightened  and  finally  disappeared  throughout  all  the 
fighting  of  that  day  in  the  lava-beds. 

We  made  but  little  further  progress,  and  being  much 
annoyed  by  the  fire  directly  in  my  front,  I  ordered  a 
charge  by  that  portion  of  my  line  most  exposed  to  it, 
when  greatly  to  my  surprise  I  found  running  along  my 
entire  front  an  enormous  chasm  absolutely  impassable, 
so  far  as  I  could  ascertain.  Just  then  some  of  my  men 
called  out  that  they  had  found  a  way  down  into  the 
chasm,  at  which  the  men  nearest  broke  to  the  right  and 
left  and  entered  this  gorge.  On  joining  them,  I  found 
that  the  Modocs  had  evidently  anticipated  this  very 
move  and  prepared  for  it.  They  had  it  completely  cov 
ered  by  their  rifles,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  fact  that 
at  the  mouth  of  the  gorge  stood  an  enormous  boulder, 
I  and  my  party  must  have  been  annihilated. 


296    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

To  get  out  of  our  predicament  I  called  to  one  of  my 
men,  who  had  been  stopped  at  the  entrance,  to  hurry  to 
Colonel  Green,  explain  the  situation,  and  ask  him  to 
order  the  infantry  to  make  a  demonstration  in  front  of 
the  Indians,  in  hopes  that  it  would  relieve  the  pressure 
on  my  position.  This  was  done  and  I  got  back  to  my 
line  with  comparatively  small  loss. 

We  were  now  close  enough  to  Bernard's  right  to  call 
him,  and  found  that  he  had  made  no  greater  progress  on 
that  side  than  we  had  on  ours.  By  this  time  it  must  have 
been  between  one  and  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and 
I  heard  Colonel  Green,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
firing-line,  call  to  Bernard  that  he  was  going  to  connect 
with  his  (Bernard's)  right.  This  meant  moving  by  our 
left  flank  along  the  lake  and  in  front  of  Jack's  Strong 
hold,  which,  of  course,  the  Modocs  would  resist  desper 
ately  as,  in  the  event  of  our  seizing  it,  they  would  be  cut 
off  from  water.  And  this  they  did,  and  with  such  effect 
that  our  line,  moving  by  the  flank,  was  cut  in  two, 
part  of  my  troop  and  the  militia  remaining  on  the  west 
side.  At  this  time  the  firing  by  the  Modocs  was  so  fierce 
and  deadly  that  the  whole  command  was  forced  to  lie 
prone.  I  don't  remember  any  order  to  that  effect.  None 
was  needed.  And  the  Modocs  held  us  there  until  dark 
ness  permitted  our  escape. 

During  all  this  day's  fighting  I  did  not  see  an  Indian, 
and  I  don't  recall  that  any  one  else  did,  though  they 
called  to  us  frequently,  applying  to  us  all  sorts  of  derisive 
epithets.  It  was  at  this  point  that  our  greatest  number 
of  casualties  occurred.  I  was  wounded  about  four  P.M., 
having  raised  myself  upon  my  left  elbow  to  look  at  a 
man  who  had  just  been  killed.  A  shot  at  my  head  missed 
that,  passed  through  my  left  arm  and  into  my  side. 

That  night  we  retreated  to  Bernard's  camp  on  the 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds       297 

south  side  of  the  lake,  about  twenty  miles  from  the  scene 
of  the  fight,  over  a  rough  trail  through  the  lava.  General 
Wheaton,  with  the  remnant  of  the  command  on  the 
west  side,  returned  to  the  main  camp  at  Van  Bremmer's 
Ranch.  Colonel  Green  was  obliged  to  march  around 
the  east  side  of  the  lake,  in  order  to  join  General  Wheat 
on,  and  this  he  did  with  as  little  delay  as  possible.  We 
who  were  wounded  were  sent  to  Fort  Klamath,  about  a 
hundred  miles  distant,  which  we  reached  at  the  end  of 
the  third  day. 

It  was  now  realized  that  to  subdue  the  Modocs  a  much 
larger  force  would  be  necessary,  and  troops  were  rushed 
to  the  scene  from  all  available  points;  but,  before  any 
thing  more  could  be  done  by  the  military  powers,  the 
Washington  authorities  decided  upon  a  peace  com 
mission  to  treat  with  these  Indians,  a  great  mistake  at 
this  time,  as  any  one  should  have  realized  the  utter 
futility  of  attempting  such  a  thing  with  a  savage  foe 
flushed  with  victory.  After  hostilities  have  actually  be 
gun,  the  only  way  to  treat  with  an  Indian  is  to  first 
"thrash"  him  soundly,  which  usually  has  the  effect  of 
rendering  him  amenable  to  reason. 

While  these  negotiations  were  being  conducted  my 
wounds  healed,  and  I  was  permitted  to  rejoin  my  com 
mand  at  Van  Bremmer's  Ranch,  the  date  I  am  unable 
to  state.  Shortly  after  this  General  Canby,  the  Depart 
ment  Commander  and  President  of  the  Peace  Commis 
sion,  concluded  that  it  might  have  a  better  effect  upon 
the  Indians  to  inject  a  little  display  of  force  into  their 
deliberations,  so  he  moved  his  whole  command  into  the 
lava-beds,  Bernard  taking  up  his  old  position  on  the 
east  side,  from  where  he  made  his  attack  January  ijth, 
and  we  with  all  the  other  troops  camping  at  the  foot  of 
the  bluff  heretofore  described.  Our  signal-station  was 


298    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

far  enough  up  the  bluff  to  command  a  view  of  every 
thing  in  our  front  and  communicate  with  Bernard. 

It  was  no  unusual  thing,  when  flagging  to  the  other 
command,  to  see  an  Indian  appear  on  the  top  of  Jack's 
Stronghold  and  mimic  with  an  old  shirt  or  petticoat  the 
motions  of  our  flags.  From  the  signal-station  close  watch 
was  kept  on  the  tent  where  the  Peace  Commissioners 
were  to  meet  Captain  Jack  and  the  other  Modocs  on 
that  nth  of  April,  1873.  I  neglected  to  state  that,  in  the 
meantime,  the  command  on  the  east  side  had  been  much 
strengthened  and  Major  Mason  given  command. 

Two  or  three  days  previous  I  had  been  detached  to 
escort  the  body  of  a  brother  officer  to  Yreka,  and  re 
turned  the  afternoon  of  the  nth,  and  at  the  top  of 
the  bluff  heard  the  sad  details  of  the  massacre  of 
the  Peace  Commission.  ...  I  have  always  thought, 
as  these  Indians  could  have  had  no  animosity  against 
General  Canby,  nor  hoped  to  kill  off  all  the  soldiers, 
that  they  believed,  if  they  could  kill  the  Big  Chief  and 
incidentally  as  many  of  the  lesser  lights  as  possible,  that, 
like  a  savage  force  whose  leader  had  been  killed,  the 
balance  would  become  demoralized,  disintegrate  and 
disappear.  On  no  other  theory  can  I  account  for  such 
base  treachery. 

Of  course  all  hopes  or  wishes  for  peace  were  now  aban 
doned  and  preparations  made  for  the  coming  struggle. 
The  exact  date  I  cannot  recall,  but  think  it  was  the  I4th 
of  April.  I  left  camp  at  two  A.M.  with  two  troops  of 
dismounted  cavalry  and  three  days'  cooked  rations.  I 
marched  about  half-way  to  Jack's  Stronghold  and  waited 
for  the  balance  of  the  command,  infantry  and  artillery, 
the  latter  as  infantry,  except  a  detachment  that  had  a 
section  of  cohorn  mortars.  This  command  did  not  leave 
camp  until  eight  A.M.,  and  soon  as  they  arrived  were 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds        299 

put  into  position  much  the  same  as  January  lyth,  but 
this  time,  owing  to  our  numerical  superiority,  we  were 
able  to  make  greater  progress  and  by  night  had  them 
closely  pressed,  though  unable  to  dislodge  them. 

Then  our  cohorn  mortars  were  put  into  position  and 
dropped  shells  into  their  camp  all  night  long  at  fifteen 
minute  intervals.  The  firing  by  the  Indians  continued 
all  night,  and  several  times  they  tried  to  stampede  our 
lines  by  fierce  assaults;  but  in  every  instance  without 
success,  though  their  firing  was  incessant.  The  next  day 
we  succeeded  in  closing  in  a  little  more,  and  that  night 
the  mortars  continued  the  same  as  the  night  before,  viz: 
throwing  shells  into  Jack's  camp  every  fifteen  minutes, 
while  the  Indians  continued  firing  more  furiously  than 
ever,  accompanied  by  demoniacal  yells  which  made  the 
scene  one  never  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  heard  it. 

Just  before  daylight  the  firing  by  the  Indians  slack 
ened,  and  about  the  same  time  some  of  our  advanced 
lines  were  enabled  to  gain  ground,  and  about  ten  o'clock 
we  discovered  that  the  stronghold  had  been  abandoned. 
One  reason  was  that  we  had  cut  them  off  from  water,  and, 
also,  the  mortars  rendered  their  stronghold  untenable. 
As  I  remember,  by  noon  of  the  third  day  not  a  trace  of  an 
Indian  could  be  discovered.  They  had  vanished  com 
pletely  and  were  lost  to  us  among  the  vast  caverns  of  the 
lava-beds  which  they  knew  so  well.  During  the  three 
days  just  described  our  men  were  killed  going  back  and 
forth  to  our  camp,  so  that  if  anything  was  needed  a 
large  escort  had  to  be  sent. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  mine,  written 
April  17,  1873,  well  describes  our  condition: 

"The  great  event  of  the  campaign  has  been  accom 
plished,  viz:  the  driving  of  Jack  from  his  stronghold. 
The  fact  of  our  remaining  on  the  line  day  and  night 


300    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

convinced  him  that  we  had  come  to  stay.  The  infantry 
and  artillery  are  camped  in  the  stronghold.  Bernard 
and  Jackson  have  gone  around  on  the  east  side,  while  I 
go  the  west  side  of  the  lava-beds,  so  that  in  the  event 
of  the  Modocs  trying  to  get  out,  we  can  cut  them  off. 
I  can't  write  more  to-night  as  I  am  very  tired  and  have 
to  be  in  the  saddle  at  daylight.  I  have  not  washed  nor 
combed  my  hair  for  three  days.  It's  no  pleasant  thing 
to  live  in  the  rocks  for  three  days  and  two  nights  with 
now  and  then  a  bite  of  cold  food,  and  an  incessant  fire 
on  the  line  all  the  time. " 

The  cavalry  as  indicated  above  made  the  entire  circuit 
of  the  lava-beds  without  finding  any  trace  of  the  In 
dians,  and  close  watch  was  kept  in  every  direction  to 
prevent  their  escape.  No  further  fighting  occurred  until 
the  26th  of  April,  but  during  the  intervening  time  specu 
lation  was  rife  in  camp  as  to  the  exact  locality  of  the 
Modocs.  That  they  had  not  left  the  lava-bed  was  cer 
tain.  How  they  procured  water  was  a  mystery  never 
solved  satisfactorily.  Once  in  a  while  a  moccasin  track 
would  be  reported  and  the  locality  closely  watched,  but 
no  reappearance  was  ever  reported. 

On  the  25th  of  April  it  was  decided  to  make  a  recon 
naissance  into  the  lava-beds  in  an  effort  to  locate  the 
Indians.  The  command  was  to  be  composed  of  foot 
troops,  infantry  and  artillery.  Captain  Thomas  of  the 
latter  arm  sought  and  obtained  the  command,  consist 
ing  of  sixty  or  seventy  men  and  six  officers,  including 
the  doctor,  as  follows:  Captain  Thomas,  Lieutenants 
Howe,  Cranston,  Wright,  Harris,  and  Dr.  Semig.  The 
command  left  camp  at  seven  A.M.,  and  about  noon 
signaled  back  that  they  had  struck  the  Indians.  We 
could  distinctly  hear  firing,  and  with  a  glass  make  out 
a  portion  of  the  troops.  There  did  not  appear  to  be  any 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds       301 


*F*m^;p:^^'^.. ,  »>mm 


LOCATION  or  JACKS 


JN  TSB  IMA  BEDS 

FROM    SKETCH    BY  CAPT  A  J  LYDECKER. US-A 
CREVICES  -  NATURAL  RIFLE   PITS 
ROCK    BREASTWORKS  PUT  UP    BY    INDIANS 


302    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

hard  fighting,  and  everybody  in  camp  supposed  that 
Thomas  could  easily  take  care  of  himself,  if  unable  to 
inflict  any  punishment  upon  the  Indians. 

About  three  P.M.  some  stragglers  and  wounded  men 
made  their  way  into  camp  and  said  the  command  had 
been  ambushed  and  cut  off.  Colonel  Gillem  immediately 
despatched  all  the  available  men  in  camp  under  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Green  to  the  assistance  of  Thomas.  I  did 
not  accompany  the  command,  owing  to  trouble  with  my 
wound  that  interfered  with  my  walking.  We  did  not 
anticipate  anything  serious,  but  supposed  Thomas  had 
probably  taken  up  a  strong  position,  and  waiting  for 
darkness,  would  make  his  way  back  to  camp.  During 
that  night  quite  a  number  of  stragglers  came  in,  and  in 
the  morning  Colonel  Green  signaled  that  they  had  found 
the  bodies  of  Thomas,  Howe  and  Wright,  Harris  and 
Semig,  the  last  two  both  wounded.  Cranston  they  were 
unable  to  find.  Colonel  Green  returned  the  morning  of 
the  28th  with  the  dead  and  wounded.  They  had  been 
without  sleep  or  rest  for  two  nights  and  a  day,  part  of 
the  time  in  a  pelting  rain. 

It  now  seemed  that  the  only  thing  to  do  was  to  wait 
until,  compelled  by  starvation,  the  Indians  would  be 
obliged  to  leave  the  lava-beds.  There  was  no  more  fight 
ing  until  the  Indians  struck  Jackson's  command  as  they 
were  leaving  the  lava,  but  of  this  I  can  give  no  account 
as  to  date  or  particulars  of  fight. 

The  events  above  narrated  bring  me  to  the  capture 
of  Captain  Jack.  When  the  Indians  left  the  lava-beds, 
Colonel  Green  took  up  the  pursuit  with  all  the  cavalry 
that  he  could  quickly  get  together.  My  squadron  being 
too  far  away,  I  did  not  participate.  However,  General 
Davis,  who  had  succeeded  General  Canby  in  command 
of  the  Department,  decided  to  move  his  headquarters 


Battles  in  the  Lava-Beds       303 

to  Applegate's  Ranch  on  the  east  side  and  in  the  direc 
tion  the  Modocs  had  taken.  We  had  just  gotten  into 
camp  at  Applegate's  when  the  General  sent  me  word  that 
the  Modocs  had  surrendered,  but  that  Captain  Jack 
and  his  family  and  a  few  followers  had  escaped,  and  for 
me  to  take  my  squadron  and  endeavor  to  effect  his 
capture.  I  started  at  once  and  taking  a  few  Warm  Spring 
Indians,  whom  I  knew  to  be  good  trailers,  started  to  cut 
the  main  trail.  This  was  some  time  after  noon,  and  about 
sundown  I  struck  one  trail  of  Colonel  Green's  command, 
and  knowing  that  I  could  accomplish  nothing  by  follow 
ing  that  went  into  camp. 

During  the  night  I  made  up  my  mind  that  Jack  in 
tended  going  back  to  the  lava-beds  where  he  could 
conceal  himself  indefinitely,  so  at  daylight  I  took  the 
back  track  and  before  noon  my  scouts  reported  squaw 
tracks  traveling  in  the  same  direction  as  ourselves.  I 
have  neglected  to  state  that  my  squadron  consisted  of 
my  own  and  Captain  Trimble's  troop  of  the  First  Cav 
alry.  About  the  time  that  these  tracks  were  reported  we 
were  marching  parallel  to  a  deep  gorge  that  lay  on  our 
right  and  impassable  for  animals  except  at  a  few  cross 
ings,  and,  coming  upon  one  of  these,  directed  Trimble 
to  cross  to  the  opposite  bank.  Soon  after  my  scouts  sent 
me  word  that  the  tracks  led  into  the  ravine.  I  then  de 
ployed  my  company,  under  my  lieutenant,  and  went 
ahead  with  my  interpreter  and  found  that  the  ravine 
turned  to  a  sharp  angle  to  the  left. 

I  had  reached  the  bank  and  stood  on  a  ledge  project 
ing  well  out,  watching  my  scouts  who  had  crossed  and 
were  intently  discussing  some  signs  they  had  discovered, 
when  one  of  them  suddenly  ran  back  and  said  they  had 
found  squaw  tracks  that  had  gone  out  there  and  thence 
ran  back  to  the  ravine,  probably  had  seen  Trimble.  Just 


304    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

at  this  time  I  saw  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  ravine  and 
about  a  hundred  yards  to  my  left  an  Indian  dog  suddenly 
appear  at  the  top  of  the  ravine,  and  just  as  suddenly  an 
arm  appeared  and  snatched  the  dog  out  of  sight.  I  then 
knew  that  the  coveted  prize  was  mine.  In  the  meantime 
my  men  lined  the  bank. 

Jack  and  his  family  were  secreted  in  a  little  cave  near 
the  top  of  the  ravine  and  within  point  blank  range  of  the 
ledge  on  which  I  stood.  I  told  my  scouts  to  ask  Jack  if 
he  would  surrender,  and  to  come  out  if  he  desired  and 
give  himself  up.  He  replied  that  he  would  surrender,  but 
requested  time  to  put  on  a  clean  shirt  before  making  his 
appearance.  This  I  granted  and  sent  word  to  Trimble 
to  come  up  and  receive  him  and  conduct  him  back  to  the 
crossing  where  I  would  join  him.  I  then  took  Jack  and 
his  family  back  to  headquarters  and  turned  him  over  to 
General  Davis  together  with  his  rifles.* 

Thus  ended  the  terrible  Modoc  War  where  so  many 
valuable  lives  were  sacrificed,  and  which  I  always  be 
lieved  might  have  been  avoided  by  a  little  judicious 
handling  of  these  Indians  at  the  outset. 

For  his  gallantry  in  this  campaign  Captain  Perry  was  recom 
mended  for  a  well-earned  brevet. — C.  T.  B. 

*  It  was  quite  pathetic,  during  the  scout,  to  discover  the  means  and  maneuvers  of 
this  small  band  of  fugitives  to  elude  capture.  They  had  with  them  the  infant  daughter  of 
the  chief,  by  whose  tiny  footprints,  pattered  on  the  earth,  the  trailers  made  sure  of  their 
game.  While  the  small  party  took  refuge  in  the  canon  and  sought  to  make  preparations 
for  further  flight,  one  poor  deformed  henchman,  with  devoted  loyalty,  stood  guard  upon 
the  height.  A  small  white  cloth  on  which  was  spread  some  freshly  cured  camas  root, 
drying,  claimed  his  attention  for  a  moment,  or  it  may  be  that  the  pangs  of  hunger  over 
came  his  watchfulness,  for  in  his  moment  of  inattention  he  was  surprised  and  captured 
almost  with  gun  in  hand.  Now,  trembling  with  fright  and  unspeakable  anguish,  he  was 
made  to  disclose  the  proximity  of  his  master,  who,  upon  his  sentinel's  repeated  summons, 
returned  the  hail  and  came  forth  a  captive,  to  return  no  more."—  Memorandum  by 
Major  Trimble. 


CHAPTER  EIGHT 

The  Disaster  to  Thomas'  Command 

By  Major  Boutelle 

I  HAVE  always  considered  the  disaster  to  Major 
Thomas'  command  as  one  of  the  saddest  in  our 
military  history.  It  was  a  small  affair,  but  so 
senseless  and  unnecessary,  and  such  a  waste  of  a 
good  life. 

About  a  week  or  ten  days  after  the  last  fighting  in  the 
lava-beds,  which  resulted  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Modocs 
and  their  retreat  to  a  point  near  what  was  known  as  the 
Land  Butte  and  Black  Ledge,  Major  Mason's  com 
mand,  consisting  in  part  of  the  troop  with  which  I  was 
serving,  was  in  bivouac  in  "Jack's  Stronghold."  About 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  as  nearly  as  I  can  re 
member,  my  attention  was  attracted  to  men  looking  in  a 
southerly  direction,  or  toward  the  butte,  soon  to  be  made 
historic.  I  ran  over  to  where  Major  Mason  was  standing, 
field-glass  in  hand,  and  asked  him  what  was  the  excite 
ment.  He  replied  that  he  understood  that  General  Gil- 
lem  had  sent  out  a  party  of  about  sixty  under  command 
of  Major  Thomas  to  ascertain  if  howitzers  could  be 
placed  on  the  butte  for  the  purpose  of  shelling  Jack's 
camp  located  near  by.  I  asked  Mason  if  he  thought 
General  Gillem  had  believed  that  Thomas  could  reach 

3°5 


306    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

the  butte  without  a  fight,  and  if  he  dreamed  that  he 
would  be  able,  with  a  handful  of  inexperienced  men,  to 
make  successful  work  against  a  party  which  had  kept 
our  whole  command  busy.  The  Major  shook  his  head 
and  replied,  "Too  bad." 

Puffs  of  smoke  from  guns  indicated  that  a  fight  was  on. 

About  two  in  the  afternoon  a  signal  message  from 
Gillem's  camp,  or  headquarters  of  the  expedition,  con 
veyed  the  information  that  disaster  had  befallen  Thomas 
and  ordered  out  a  relief  party.  At  the  same  time  a  party 
was  also  ordered  out  from  Gillem's  camp.  The  several 
detachments  joined  en  route  and  proceeded  as  fast  as 
possible  through  the  lava-bed,  until  it  was  thought  we 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place  where  Thomas  was  last 
seen.  All  firing  had  ceased  several  hours  before.  We 
found  nothing  and,  darkness  coming  on,  we  went  into 
camp,  first  piling  rocks  about  the  position  we  selected 
for  defense  from  a  night  attack,  and  prepared  to  wait 
until  dawn,  when  we  could  see  to  resume  our  search.  It 
would  have  been  suicidal  to  have  gone  blundering  aim 
lessly  through  the  lava-beds  at  night  and  our  fate  would 
have  been  worse  than  that  of  Thomas.  Strong  guards 
were  posted  and  the  rest  of  us  tried  to  get  some  rest  for 
the  work  of  the  next  day. 

Between  eleven  o'clock  and  midnight  eight  men,  six 
of  whom  were  wounded,  stumbled  into  our  line,  bringing 
the  appalling  information  that  Thomas  and  nearly  all 
of  his  officers  were  dead,  and  the  enlisted  men  of  his  com 
mand  nearly  all  dead  or  so  badly  wounded  that  they 
were  helpless.  The  men  said  that  they  could  guide  us  to 
the  party.  The  troops  were  at  once  called  to  arms.  The 
wounded  men  were  directed  the  nearest  way  back  to 
Mason's  command,  and  with  the  two  unhurt  men  from 
Thomas'  command  we  moved  forward. 


Disaster  to  Thomas'  Command  307 

About  an  hour  before  daylight  the  guides  were  obliged 
to  admit  that  they  were  lost  and  they  could  not  tell  where 
to  look  for  Thomas.  Again  we  halted  and  began  the 
work  of  throwing  up  rock  breastworks  against  a  possible 
attack.  While  this  work  was  in  progress  the  gray  of  the 
morning  appeared,  and  I  thought  I  would  look  around  in 
front  of  our  lines  and  see  if  I  could  find  anything  in 
dicating  that  the  troops  we  were  looking  for  had  been 
there  before  us.  A  similar  idea  seemed  to  have  occurred 
to  Sergeant  Boyle  of  the  command.  As  we  were  cautious 
ly  moving  forward  over  the  broken  ground,  the  natural 
tendency  caused  us  to  approach  each  other,  so  that  at 
the  same  time  we  came  upon  the  most  heartbreaking 
sight  it  has  been  my  fate  to  behold. 

The  terrein  was  of  irregular  lava-rock  ridges  between 
which  the  decomposed  rock  had  formed  fertile  soil,  over 
grown  by  very  large  sage-brush.  In  the  bottom  of  one  of 
these  little  depressions  under  the  sage-brush,  some  little 
distance  from  our  second  halting-place,  were  Major 
Thomas,  dead,  Lieutenant  Howe,  dead,  Lieutenant  Har 
ris,  mortally  wounded,  and  Acting-Assistant  Surgeon 
Semig  dangerously  wounded,  together  with  a  number  of 
enlisted  men,  all  dead  or  wounded. 

The  fearful  ordeal  through  which  these  poor  fellows 
had  passed  —  shot  down  in  the  morning,  lying  all  day 
without  food,  water,  attention,  or  protection  from  the 
cold,  with  the  horrible  fear  of  impending  death  at  the 
hands  of  the  Indians  —  had  so  thoroughly  imbued 
them  with  the  one  idea,  that  while  they  heard  us  within 
a  hundred  yards  of  them,  piling  rocks  and  talking, 
they  had  no  thought  but  that  we  were  Indians  preparing 
for  their  slaughter  as  soon  as  light  should  enable  them 
to  pick  off  their  victims.  Their  relief  when  the  survivors 
recognized  us  can  scarcely  be  imagined. 


308    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

I  sent  Boyle  back  to  the  command  which  was  at  once 
brought  to  the  front,  and  the  work  of  succor  and  search 
was  begun.  The  Modocs  were  in  plain  sight  while  we 
were  thus  engaged;  but  made  no  demonstration,  prob 
ably  thinking  that  Mason's  entire  command  was  there. 

The  search  for  the  survivors  continued  all  day.  Lieu 
tenant  Wright  (Colonel  Tom)  was  discovered  with  a 
few  of  his  men  some  distance  to  the  left  of  Thomas. 
All  were  dead.  Cranston  could  not  be  found  at  first. 
His  body,  with  the  bodies  of  half  a  dozen  enlisted  men, 
was  found  some  time  after  to  the  left  and  front. 

This  useless  sacrifice  was  one  of  the  most  sickening 
errors  of  the  whole  Modoc  fracas.  General  Gillem  has 
been  justly  blamed  for  sending  an  inexperienced  man 
in  command  of  such  an  expedition.  The  experience  of 
the  past  few  weeks  should  have  indicated  to  him  that 
it  was  not  proper  to  send  any  small  party  anywhere  in 
the  lava-beds.  It  is  true  that  Thomas,  a  distinguished 
veteran  of  the  war,  had  never  seen  any  Indian  service 
and  lacked  that  kind  of  experience,  but  experience  in 
hell,  even  with  the  fire  out,  was  rare.  Nobody  on  earth 
had  ever  had  any  such  experience  previous  to  our  first 
attack  with  the  Indians  in  the  stronghold. 

It  was  afterward  learned  that  Thomas  had  found  no 
signs  of  Indians  up  to  the  time  of  the  attack,  and  was 
resting  his  command  and  taking  luncheon  when  he  was 
surprised  by  a  withering  fire  coming  from  the  rocks  in 
almost  every  direction.  He  attempted  to  make  disposi 
tion  of  his  force,  but,  seeing  his  party  rapidly  falling  and 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  escape,  coolly  remarked  that 
he  supposed  that  where  they  were  was  as  good  a  place  to 
die  in  as  any  other,  and  so  fought  out  the  losing  battle 
to  the  end.  He  died,  as  did  many  other  brave  fellows, 
sacrificed  to  the  blunders  of  Odeneal  and  others.  A 


Disaster  to  Thomas'  Command  309 

lovelier  character  or  a  braver  heart  probably  never 
graced  the  army  of  the  United  States  than  Major  Evan 
Thomas,  Fourth  Artillery,  twice  brevetted  for  gallantry, 
—  at  Gettysburg  and,  I  think,  at  Fredericksburg. 

The  sight  of  dead  men  was  not  new  to  me.  In  my  ser 
vice  during  the  Civil  War  I  had  seen  them  by  the  acre, 
but  the  sight  of  the  poor  fellows  lying  under  the  sage 
brush  dead  or  dying  and  known  to  have  been  uselessly 
slaughtered  was  simply  revolting. 

In  the  midst  of  all  the  horrors,  I  recall  something 
awfully  ludicrous.  As  I  discovered  that  Semig  was  liv 
ing  I  exclaimed: 

"  Hello,  Doctor,  how  are  you  ? " 

"Oh,"  he  replied,  "I  am  all  right,  Captain,  but  I  am 
so  d d  dirty." 

I  asked  him  if  he  was  hard  hit.  He  replied  that  he 
guessed  that  he  was.  With  one  hand,  not  disabled,  he 
pointed  to  his  shoulder  and  exclaimed: 

"My  shoulder  here  is  busted  and  my  heel  down  there 
is  all  split  to  hell." 

I  opened  his  shirt,  and  seeing  the  track  of  the  bullet 
across  his  chest,  I  told  him  that  he  was  as  good  as  three 
quarters  of  a  man  at  least,  that  his  shoulder  was  not 
dangerous,  though  serious,  and  that  with  the  loss  of  a 
few  inches  of  his  leg,  he  would  be  able  to  go  on  all  right. 
He  looked  up  with  a  half  credulous  grin  and  said: 

"  Boutelle,  do  you  think  I'm  a  d d  fool  ?  I'm  a 

doctor." 

I  was  right.  He  lived  for  years,  having  had  that  heel 
amputated. 

All  that  day  we  were  engaged  in  our  search  and  mak 
ing  preparations  for  going  out  as  soon  as  darkness  would 
conceal  our  movements.  Meanwhile,  signal  communica 
tions  had  been  established  with  Gillem's  headquarters, 


310    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  Assistant-Surgeon  McEldery,  with  a  dressing-case 
and  such  articles  of  comfort  as  he  could  carry  upon  his 
splendid  shoulders,  had  made  his  way  out  and  was  ad 
ministering  to  the  wounded,  upon  whom,  knowing  that 
they  were  comparatively  safe,  the  dreadful  reaction  had 
set  in.  Added  to  the  horrors  of  the  day  was  an  absence 
of  water.  There  was  none  nearer  than  Tule  Lake,  except 
a  spring  supposed  to  be  in  the  possession  of  the  Indians. 
The  pleadings  of  some  suffering  from  peritonitis,  the 
result  of  intestinal  wounds,  were  dreadful  and  continu 
ous.  When  it  ceased  we  knew  what  had  occurred.  They 
were  dead. 

As  soon  as  it  was  dark  the  command  was  put  in 
motion  for  a  return  to  Gillem's  camp  about  four  or  five 
miles  distant  —  mark  the  distance !  I  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  stretchers  to  carry  the  wounded.  I  had 
three  reliefs,  one  to  carry  on  the  stretcher,  one  to  carry 
the  guns  of  those  bearing  the  wounded,  and  one  resting. 
I  hardly  know  how  to  describe  what  followed.  The 
command  was  a  good  one,  as  good  as  any  in  existence, 
well-officered,  ready  to  fight  and  fight  well,  but  what 
they  had  seen  and  endured  was  too  much  for  human 
endurance.  Added  to  the  horrors  of  the  situation,  a  bitter 
storm  of  sleet  and  rain  came  down  in  torrents,  freezing 
as  it  fell.  In  a  short  time  an  overcoat  would  stand  alone. 

You  write  me  that  you  purpose  writing  history.  The 
history  of  this  night's  work  would  not  be  complete  with 
out  an  account  of  the  entire  demoralization  of  good  men. 
The  night  was  as  black  as  a  wolf's  mouth.  Very  little  of 
the  time  could  you  see  your  hand  before  your  face.  As 
soon  as  darkness  fell  most  of  the  enlisted  men  of  the 
command  were  in  a  state  of  complete  demoralization. 
My  stretcher  party,  knowing  that  they  could  not  be 
detected,  joined  the  mob  working  its  weary  way  toward 


pq 

OJ 


OH 

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(U 

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Colonel   H.   C.   Hasbrouck, 
U.  S.  A. 


Colonel  James  Jackson, 
U.  S.  A.,  retired 


Captain  O.  C.  Applegate, 

U.  S.  A.  General  Jeff  C.  Davis,  U.  S.  A 

Group  of  Officers  who  Fought  in  the  Modoc  War 


Disaster  to  Thomas'  Command  311 

a  beacon  kept  burning  for  our  guidance  on  a  bluff  near 
Gillem's  camp,  with  the  one  idea  of  getting  back !  Of 
ficers  stormed,  commanded  and  pleaded.  Do  not  under 
stand  that  there  was  any  insubordination,  for  there  was 
not.  As  a  stretcher  party  became  exhausted,  anybody  — 
nobody  knew  whom,  for  no  one  could  see  —  was  seized 
and  placed  on  the  handles.  I  firmly  believe  that  a  few 
shots  from  the  Indians  would  have  caused  the  entire 
abandonment  of  the  wounded  in  a  wild  race  to  camp. 

After  several  hours  of  this  kind  I  concluded  that  my 
muscle  was  worth  more  than  my  authority  and  I  dropped 
beside  the  moving  mass.  As  I  caught  the  outlines  effaces 
against  an  occasional  glimpse  of  light  in  the  sky,  I  called 
aside  three  men  of  my  troop.  When  I  had  my  third  man, 
I  said  to  them: 

"You  see  the  utter  demoralization  here!  I  want  you 
to  stay  with  me  and  we  four  will  carry  off  one  wounded 


man." 


This  they  cheerfully  did,  and  we  happened  to  get  hold 
of  the  stretcher  bearing  Lieutenant  Harris  of  the  Fourth 
Artillery,  whom  we  carried  the  remainder  of  the  night 
and  until  we  reached  Gillem's  camp,  about  an  hour  after 
sunrise.  We  were  from  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening 
until  half-past  six  in  the  morning  making  four  or  five 
miles ! 

Such  looking  faces  as  the  dawn  revealed  are  seldom 
seen.  Eyes  seemed  to  have  receded  a  half  inch  and 
around  all  were  dark  circles.  Several  times  I  heard  one 
man  say  to  another: 

"I  wonder  if  I  look  as  you  do!" 

As  you  need  embellishment  for  your  book  perhaps  a 
relief  from  the  gruesome  tale  will  be  in  order. 

During  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  a  young  Irishman 
by  the  name  of  Geoghegan  enlisted  in  the  army  and 


312    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

soon  won  his  way  to  a  commission  and  was  assigned  to 
a  sword  with  the  Tenth  Infantry,  in  which  Lieutenant 
Harris  was  at  that  time  serving.  The  two  soon  became 
friends.  Geoghegan's  heart  was  light,  strong  and  good. 
His  habits  were  convivial  and  he  in  time  found  that  he 
had  become  addicted  to  too  great  use  of  whisky.  Rather 
than  bring  disgrace  upon  himself  or  the  army,  he  re 
signed.  Hearing  of  the  Modoc  outbreak  he  enlisted  under 
the  name  of  Sutherland  and  was  assigned  to  the  troop 
with  which  I  was  serving.  He  was  one  of  the  men  selected 
to  assist  in  carrying  on  a  stretcher  and  in  so  doing  helped 
carry  off  Harris,  his  old-time  and  dearest  friend,  who 
died  without  knowing  whose  tender  hand  had  been  so 
careful  to  keep  him  tucked  up  on  his  shoulders.  Years 
after,  when  Sutherland  (Geoghegan)  had  been  dis 
charged,  and  had  reestablished  himself  as  one  of  the 
first  citizens  of  the  State  of  Washington,  a  member  of 
the  Legislature,  Receiver  of  the  Land  Office,  and  so 
on,  he  told  me  that  part  of  the  story  which  I  had  not 
known. 

Before  blaming  the  men  for  the  demoralization  de 
scribed,  one  should  consider  that  the  command  rested 
in  Jack's  Stronghold,  which  afforded  no  comfortable 
resting-place,  the  night  before  the  movement.  All  the 
night  following  it  was  searching  for  the  Thomas  party, 
all  the  next  day  engaged  in  collecting  the  dead  and 
wounded  and  caring  for  the  latter,  and  that  night  carry 
ing  off  the  wounded  in  one  of  the  worst  storms  I  have 
ever  seen.  The  nervous  strain  was  too  great  for  ordinary 
endurance. 

It  is  often  remarked  that  army  and  navy  officers  fre 
quently  appear  much  older  than  they  are.  The  unthink 
ing  and  the  ignorant  sometimes  charge  it  to  idle  or  dis 
solute  habits.  They  are  probably  much  like  other  men 


Disaster  to  Thomas'  Command  313 

in  their  habits,  but  the  others  seldom  have  such  ex 
periences. 

It  may  be  thought  that  such  accounts  of  demoraliza 
tion  as  I  have  given  you  might  well  be  omitted.  I  do  not 
think  so.  Under  too  trying  circumstances  the  best  of 
men  may  fail,  and  it  may  help  a  little  in  their  chagrin 
that  others  have  done  the  same,  and  that  it  was  not  cow 
ardice  or  a  lack  of  enduring  nerve. 

The  foregoing  you  will  have  to  edit.*  You  have  facts 
for  a  good  chapter.  I  have  just  read  what  I  have  written, 
and  told  my  wife  what  I  had  been  doing  and  that  I  did 
not  like  my  work.  She  suggested  that  she  would  read 
it  to  me  and  perhaps  it  would  sound  better.  I  told  her  I 
could  not  stand  it,  but  would  send  it  to  you. 

I  inclose  a  rough  outline  of  the  scene  of  the  Thomas 
massacre.  It  is  probably  quite  a  good  bit  out  on  direc 
tions.  The  meanderings  of  the  lake  shore  are  not  at 
tempted. 

If  anybody  again  writes  me  if  I  know  anything  of  our 
Indian  campaigns,  I'll  tell  them  I  don't.  I  have  never 
written  for  publication  and  am  too  old  to  learn. 

*  I  would  not  think  of  altering  the  Major's  graphic  and  thrilling  description.  No 
imagination  could  better  describe  that  ghastly  midnight  retreat  in  the  bitter  storm  with 
the  helpless  wounded.  No  wonder  the  old  soldier  looks  old  after  such  an  experience  as 
this  and  the  others  set  forth  in  this  volume.—  C.  T.  B. 


CHAPTER   NINE 

Carrying   a  Stretcher   through  the   Lava- 
Beds 

Major  Trimble's  Account  of  the  Return  of  the  Thomas 
Relief  Party 

ABOUT  the  most  saddening,  as  well  as  the 
most  fatiguing,  experience  which  happened 
in  my  career  as  a  soldier  in  connection  with 
the  above,  took  place  at  the  lava-beds  during 
the  Modoc  Indian  War,  1873.     The  brave  Capt.  Evan 
Thomas,  Fourth  Artillery,  and  his  small  command  had 
just  been  massacred  or  dispersed,  and  the  relief  under 
the  command  of  Col.  John  Green,  having  arrived  on 
the  ground  late  in  the  evening,  drove  off  the  few  re 
maining  hostiles,  and  wearily  awaited  the  approach  of 
day  to  commence  the  search  for  the  bodies  of  the  slain 
and  wounded. 

Early  in  the  morning  these  were  found,  presenting 
different  forms  of  anguish  and  distortion,  some  in  the 
position  of  desperate  defense,  others  prostrate  in  figures 
of  dire  helplessness,  and  quite  a  number  yet  alive,  but 
in  the  agony  of  painful  wounds.  All  were  soon  gathered 
in,  some  to  be  informally  interred,  others  attended  with 
the  means  at  hand  and  prepared  for  transit  to  the  camp. 
As  the  sun  disappeared  from  sight  on  this  sorrowful 

3H 


Carrying  Stretcher  thro'  Lava-Beds    315 

day,  and  the  dusk  was  thickening  over  us,  the  order  of 
march  was  announced,  carrying  parties  told  off,  and  the 
nine  stretchers  with  their  bleeding  occupants  placed  in 
column.  Only  a  few  miles  of  journey  lay  before  us, 
but  these  were  miles  of  rock,  precipice  and  chasm;  and 
as  we  took  up  the  march,  black  and  swiftly  gathering 
clouds  began  to  discharge  their  bucketfuls  of  wrath,  and 
with  short  notice  all  were  soon  drenched  and  shivering 
in  our  thinly  covered  pelts.  The  Warm  Spring  Indians 
in  charge  of  the  famous  scout,  Donald  McKay,  took  the 
lead,  and  in  the  order  by  file  we  moved  forward. 

The  hostiles,  who  had  been  confronting  us  all  day, 
toward  evening  showed  in  considerable  numbers  on  the 
ridge  near  by,  apparently  close,  but  from  the  nature  of 
the  country  far  beyond  reach.  They  lit  their  signal  fires, 
and  danced  about  them  in  glee;  and  some,  suspecting  a 
movement  on  our  part,  had  posted  themselves  between 
us  and  our  destination,  there  to  intercept  and  annoy. 

Our  movements  were  slow,  the  head  of  the  column 
frequently  halting,  and  those  at  the  stretchers  calling 
often  for  relief,  as  the  poor  sufferers  had  to  be  lifted  over 
high  rocks  and  across  gulches.  They  were  jarred  and 
shaken  terribly  and  frequently  had  to  be  adjusted  in 
position.  Not  a  sound  was  heard  except  those  made  by 
the  fall  and  shifting  of  the  great  black  boulders,  as  they 
were  displaced  to  clear  the  trail,  and  the  occasional 
groans  from  the  wounded. 

We  had  progressed  about  half  a  mile  when  the  wild 
braying  of  our  two  released  pack-mules,  stumbling  past, 
disclosed  our  movements  to  the  wily  Modocs.  Quickly 
some  two  or  more  rifle  shots  broke  the  stillness,  and  as 
before  arranged,  all  on  our  side  promptly  took  the  posi 
tion  of  squat.  This  was  the  only  demonstration  from  the 
Indians,  and  we  soon  resumed  the  march. 


316    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

The  darkness  had  now  become  so  intense  that  each 
man  had  constantly  to  tap  the  shoulder  of  his  comrade 
in  front  in  order  to  keep  the  direction  and  avoid  being 
left  entirely  behind.  Soon  the  halts  became  so  frequent 
as  to  give  rise  to  the  fear  among  many  of  our  being  dis 
covered  at  daylight  weary,  unprepared  and  struggling 
with  our  helpless  burdens.  About  midnight  the  rain 
changed  to  snow,  and  the  wind  from  a  gentle  breeze  to 
keen  and  cutting  storm.  All  had  now  served  many  times 
at  the  stretchers  and  ready  volunteers  were  sought  in 
vain;  details  were  made  by  orders,  and  repeateid  and 
vociferated  orders  at  that;  many,  from  a  slight  feeling  of 
panic  and  uncertainty,  slyly  shifting  the  labor  to  those 
more  resolute  and  manly. 

The  peculiar  state  of  feeling  of  the  whole  had  been 
very  much  wrought  upon  of  late  by  the  numerous  dis 
asters  and  doleful  events  just  transpired;  such  as  the 
treacherous  killing  of  our  esteemed  commander,  Gen 
eral  Canby,  and  his  colleague,  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas. 
Would  that  I  could  command  language  to  describe  these 
two  great  characters  —  martyrs  to  duty  in  the  strictest 
sense.  After  gentle  remonstrance  from  loving  subor 
dinates,  they  went  forth,  their  lives  in  their  hands  and 
the  cause  of  humanity  uppermost  in  their  hearts.  Be 
sides,  we  had  the  three  days  of  hard  and  unsuccessful 
battle,  and  the  several  murders  and  killing  in  the  region 
adjacent  to  the  lava-beds.  Each  stretcher  required  the 
work  of  six  strong  and  feeling  men,  and  in  this  duty  the 
officer  fully  shared  the  labor  imposed  upon  the  soldier; 
none  more  willingly  than  our  veteran  colonel. 

After  climbing,  stumbling  and  tramping,  until  the 
first  rays  of  the  coming  day  appeared,  we  reckoned  our 
journey  but  half  accomplished,  and  the  sun  had  mount 
ed  high  as  we  halted  across  the  famous  stronghold  of 


I 

Carrying  Stretcher  thro'  Lava-Beds    317 

Captain  Jack,  luckily  for  us  then  deserted.  Now  was  the 
extent  of  the  great  lava-bed  disclosed  to  us  under  these 
circumstances,  the  row  of  black  lava  buttes  towering 
grimly  in  the  distance,  resembling  huge  red  ovens  gone 
out  of  business.  Aided  by  the  storm  in  the  air  and  our 
own  abject  feelings,  amidst  this  chaos  of  nature  one 
could  almost  discover  in  imagination  a  resemblance  to  a 
scene  in  the  drama  of  the  "Inferno,"  substituting  the  mis 
ery  of  cold  for  the  torture  of  heat.  There  were  only  lack 
ing  the  little  black  Modocs  to  represent  the  demons; 
and  again  in  imagination  I  think  these  were  supplied. 

What  a  weird  and  woebegone  sight  we  presented! 
The  want  of  proper  water  for  the  past  thirty-six  hours, 
the  scant  food  and  scantier  clothing,  and  the  chilling 
storm  had  blanched  every  cheek.  Add  to  this  the  heavy 
coating  of  snow  on  the  head  and  shoulders  of  each,  the 
many  bandaged  heads  and  limbs,  and  sadder  than  all 
else,  our  racked  and  tortured  charges,  whose  pallid 
faces  now  became  visible  as  they  lay  resigned  to  any 
event,  and  you  have  a  picture  none  could  forget.  We 
reached  the  main  camp  all  alive  at  eight  o'clock  A.M., 
thus  consuming  thirteen  honest  hours  in  traversing  a 
distance  of  five  miles.  The  wounded  comrades  were 
quickly  placed  under  skilful  treatment,  and  all  but  three 
finally  recovered. 

One  circumstance,  in  my  opinion,  contributed  not  a 
little  to  this  disaster;  that  was  the  certain  knowledge 
by  the  Indians  of  the  approach  of  the  command,  even 
from  the  beginning  of  the  march.  From  the  high  sand 
butte  behind  which  they  were  intrenched  the  glistening 
gun-barrels,  reflected  on  the  black  vitreous  lava,  dis 
tinctly  marked  each  movement.  Some  of  us,  who  took 
post  at  the  signal-station,  easily  traced  the  troops  up  to 
the  very  moment  of  contact,  and  afterward  almost  each 


318    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

individual  movement,  though  no  firing  could  be  heard. 
A  reconnaissance  to  find  the  enemy  had  to  be  made  in 
daylight,  and  the  hostiles  with  knowing,  snake-like 
maneuvers  and  clinging  moccasins  could  always  antici 
pate  the  soldiers. 

Lieut.  George  Harris,  Fourth  Artillery,  was  one  of 
the  wounded  found  upon  the  field  and  carried  across 
the  lava-beds.  The  Lieutenant  bore  his  great  suffer 
ing  manfully,  being  one  of  the  least  complaining.  His 
wound  was  through  the  body,  very  severe,  and  as  it 
transpired,  mortal.  He  was  tenderly  cared  for  in  a  good 
wall  tent  pitched  for  the  purpose,  and  his  mother  tele 
graphed  for,  —  at  least  informed  as  quickly  as  possible 
of  his  condition. 

This  refined  and  delicate  lady,  past  middle  age,  lost 
not  a  moment  after  getting  the  painful  despatch,  but 
taking  train  to  San  Francisco  from  her  home  in  Phila 
delphia  journeyed  day  and  night  until  reaching  the 
terminus  of  railroad  transportation  at  Redding,  Cali 
fornia;  thence  she  came  on  without  rest  by  stage-coach, 
ambulance  or  spring  wagon  to  the  vicinity  of  the  high 
bluffs  which  bound  the  lava  country;  thence  by  saddle 
mule  down  the  boulder  strewn  trail  until  the  camp  was 
reached  and  her  darling  boy  clasped  in  tender  embrace. 

I  was  on  duty  some  distance  from  the  main  camp  when 
my  attention  was  called  to  a  strange  object  traveling 
down  the  trail,  and  which  could  not  be  made  out  prop 
erly  until  a  gray  lace  streamer  floating  behind  estab 
lished  the  fact  that  it  was  a  lady's  veil !  Only  a  mother's 
devotion  could  have  withstood  such  a  journey,  and  the 
good  Lord  seemed  to  have  held  the  ebbing  life  of  her  son 
in  His  own  powerful  keeping  until  her  arrival.  She  was 
thus  enabled  to  soothe  his  dying  moments,  to  be  rec 
ognized  by  him  and  remain  by  his  cot  side  until  the 


Carrying  Stretcher  thro'  Lava-Beds    319 

last.  His  death  occurred  just  twenty-four  hours  after 
she  arrived.  The  body  was  inclosed  as  fittingly  as  the 
circumstances  would  allow  and  carried  to  the  hilltop, 
where  it  was  placed,  I  believe,  in  the  same  conveyance 
that  had  brought  the  dear  lady  from  the  frontier  to  the 
Modoc  stronghold,  and  borne  thence  to  its  last  resting- 
place  near  his  native  city.  I  was  told  that  Mrs.  Harris 
was  a  sister  or  relative  of  Bishop  Mcllvaine,  the  once 
eminent  Bishop  of  Ohio. 


CHAPTER  TEN 
The  Last  Fight  of  the  Campaign 

From    the    Report  of   Brig.-Gen.   H.   C.   Hasbrouck, 
United  States  Army  (Retired) 

I  MARCHED  from  Redding,  California,  my  Bat 
tery  B,  Fourth  Artillery,  being  equipped  as  cavalry, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Menden- 
hall,  Fourth  Artillery,  April  19,  1873,  and  arrived 
at  Promontory  Point,  April  28th.  April  2Qth  marched 
under  Captain  Mendenhall  to  Captain  Jack's  old 
stronghold  in  the  lava-beds.  May  Jth  I  left  the  strong 
hold  in  command  of  my  own  battery  and  Troops  B 
and  G,  First  Cavalry,  and  arrived  at  Peninsula  Camp, 
May  8th.  May  Qth,  under  verbal  instructions  of  the 
Department  Commander,  marched  to  Sorass  Lake  in 
command  of  my  battery,  Captain  Jackson's  Troop  B, 
Lieutenant  Kyle's  Troop  G,  First  Cavalry,  and  Warm 
Spring  Indian  scouts  under  Donald  McKay,  Act.- 
Asst.-Surg.  J.  S.  Skinner,  medical  officer.  Camped  at 
the  lake  with  the  cavalry  and  Indians,  and  sent  the 
battery  to  camp  in  the  timber  about  one  mile  to  the 
southeast.  May  joth  was  attacked  by  the  Modocs  just 
before  daylight.  Their  main  line  occupied  a  line  of 
bluffs  about  four  hundred  yards  distant,  and  a  smaller 
party  soon  took  possession  of  a  lower  line  about  two 

320 


Last  Fight  of  Campaign        321 

hundred  yards  nearer.  Outposts  had  been  established 
the  night  before  upon  the  higher  bluffs,  but  the  Modocs 
succeeded  in  getting  possession  without  their  knowl 
edge.  The  horses  were  stampeded  by  the  first  volley  and 
Indian  yells  and  ran  through  the  camp  in  every  direc 
tion.  Under  the  personal  supervision  of  Captain  Jackson, 
the  men  who  were  asleep  in  their  blankets  got  their  arms 
with  steadiness  and  alacrity.  I  directed  Lieutenant  Kyle 
to  take  a  portion  of  his  Troop  G  and  recover  the  herd, 
and  Lieutenant  Boutelle  to  order  the  battery  up  at  once. 

A  few  minutes  after  the  first  shot  was  fired  I  ordered 
a  charge,  and  the  nearer  line  of  bluffs  was  quickly  car 
ried.  Capt.  James  Jackson,  First  Cavalry,  led  the  right, 
and  First  Lieut.  H.  M.  Moss,  First  Cavalry,  the  left 
of  the  charging  party  which  was  dismounted  and  com 
posed  of  B  Troop  and  part  of  G  Troop.  After  a 
short  pause  the  high  bluffs  were  carried  and  the  Modocs 
pursued  with  as  much  rapidity  as  possible  for  about 
four  miles,  when  further  pursuit  was  abandoned. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  action  I  directed  Donald 
McKay  to  send  his  Indians,  who  were  mounted,  one 
half  to  the  right  and  one  half  to  the  left.  They  were 
soon  on  the  flanks  and  endeavored  to  gain  the  rear  of 
the  enemy,  but  his  retreat  was  so  rapid  that  they  were 
unable  to  do  so.  When  the  battery  arrived  at  the  foot  of 
the  bluffs,  the  men  were  dismounted  and  sent  forward 
through  the  rough  lava  rocks,  but  our  line  had  advanced 
so  quickly  that  they  did  not  arrive  on  the  firing-line  until 
after  the  fighting  was  over. 

Lieut.  F.  A.  Boutelle,  having  delivered  his  message 
to  the  battery,  joined  the  charging  party  just  as  the 
higher  bluffs  were  taken.  I  would  have  continued  the 
pursuit  but  for  the  want  of  water.  It  was  expected  to  find 
some  at  the  lake,  but  it  had  dried  up  and  none  could  be 


322    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

obtained,  though  wells  had  been  dug  the  night  before. 
The  officers  and  men  had  no  water  issued  to  them  this 
day.  I  had  but  twenty  gallons  and  that  was  reserved  for 
the  use  of  the  wounded  of  whom  there  were  twelve.  The 
horses  were  all  recovered  by  night. 

For  list  of  officers  and  men  who  particularly  distin 
guished  themselves,  I  respectfully  refer  to  my  report  to 
the  Cavalry  Command,  Modoc  Expedition;  and  for  the 
list  of  killed  and  wounded,  to  the  report  of  Act.-Asst.- 
Surg.  J.  S.  Skinner  to  Chief  Medical  Officer,  Modoc 
Expedition. 

The  Modocs  left  one  warrior  dead  on  the  field.  They 
abandoned  a  number  of  ponies,  a  lot  of  blankets,  fixed 
ammunition,  and  loose  powder  and  bullets  which  I 
turned  over  to  the  Warm  Spring  Indians.  Just  after 
sundown,  the  wagons  sent  for  having  arrived,  the 
wounded  were  transported  to  Peninsula  Camp  with 
Lieutenant  Boutelle  in  charge  of  escort,  and  the  rest  of 
the  command  marched  to  Promontory  Point,  the  near 
est  place  to  water  and  the  supposed  position  of  the 
Modocs. 

May  i  ith.  Sent  despatch  to  Department  Headquarters 
that  I  believed  the  Modocs  were  near  Sandy  Butte  in 
the  lava-beds,  and  as  the  country  in  that  direction  was 
impracticable  for  mounted  troops,  asked  authority  to 
turn  in  horses  at  Peninsula  Camp. 

May  1 2th.  Turned  in  horses  to  Peninsula  Camp  and 
marched  on  foot  to  Sandy  Butte  and  found  Modocs  in 
strong  position  there.  Donald  McKay  was  obliged  this 
day  to  relinquish  command  of  Warm  Spring  Indians 
and  be  sent  back  to  go  into  hospital. 

May  1 3th.  Visited  Major  Mason,  Twenty-first  Infan 
try,  whose  command  had  camped  the  night  before  about 
•<hree  miles  north  of  the  butte. 


Last  Fight  of  Campaign        323 

May  I4th.  Arranged  with  Major  Mason  plan  of 
attack  for  the  next  day.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  I4th  an 
Indian  scout  reported  to  me  that  he  thought  the  Modocs 
had  fled.  First  Lieut.  J.  B.  Hazleton,  Fourth  Artillery, 
with  twenty-six  men,  all  of  whom  had  volunteered  for 
the  purpose,  advanced  through  the  stronghold  and  con 
firmed  the  report. 

May  I5th.  Followed  the  trail  about  eight  miles  and 
found  that  it  led  in  a  southwest  direction;  returned  to 
Sandy  Butte  that  evening. 

May  1 6th.  The  horses  for  the  command  came  up  just 
after  sundown.  Act.-Asst.-Surg.  J.  E.  Fallen  reported 
to-day. 

May  i  yth.  Followed  trail  with  command  mounted 
and  found  it  led  along  the  Ticknor  road  and  afterward 
branched  off  toward  Antelope  Springs.  Met  Captain 
Perry,  First  Cavalry,  with  his  squadron  half-way  to 
Van  Bremmer's.  My  men  who  had  had  no  water  all  day 
received  a  small  supply  from  him.  Went  into  camp  at 
Van  Bremmer's. 

May  1 8th.  Captain  Perry  marched  to  Antelope 
Springs.  I  was  to  march  to  ford  on  Butte  Creek,  and  the 
next  day  the  two  commands  were  to  march  toward  each 
other  in  the  valley  of  the  creek  until  they  united;  While 
on  the  march  to  the  ford  I  found  the  trail  of  Indians 
going  up  the  hill  opposite  Van  Bremmer's.  I  sent  Captain 
Jackson  to  follow  it  with  a  troop  of  cavalry  while  I 
moved  slowly  down  the  road  with  the  rest  of  the  com 
mand.  Very  soon  some  shots  were  heard  and  I  ordered 
B  Troop  and  the  Warm  Spring  Indians  to  join  Captain 
Jackson  at  a  gallop.  When  we  joined  Captain  Jackson, 
I  found  him  in  hot  pursuit  of  the  Modocs  who  were 
the  Cottonwood  or  Hot  Creek  branch  of  that  tribe.  They 
were  pursued  along  the  top  of  the  hills  opposite  Van 


324   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Bremmer's  Mountain  about  eight  miles,  to  a  point  near 
Fairchild's  Ranch  and  at  as  fast  a  gait  as  the  very  diffi 
cult  ground  permitted.  Two  bucks  and  three  squaws 
were  killed,  the  latter  through  mistake,  and  a  number 
of  squaws,  children,  ponies,  blankets,  etc.,  were  cap 
tured. 

Beside  the  rocks  there  were  many  juniper  trees  which 
afforded  good  places  for  hiding.  Had  the  ground  been 
more  open  many  more  would  have  been  killed  or  taken. 
The  Indians  were  now  so  much  scattered  and  the  horses 
so  exhausted  that  the  pursuit  was  stopped  and  the  com 
mand  camped  at  Van  Bremmer's.  Captain  Jackson  was  , 
distinguished  in  this  affair  for  his  gallantry  and  sound 
judgment.  Lieutenants  Moss,  Boutelle,  and  Kyle  led 
their  men  ably  and  gallantly.  Acting  Assistant-Surgeon 
Skinner,  the  efficient  medical  officer  of  the  command, 
rode  in  advance  with  the  line  officers.  All  the  men,  as  in 
the  previous  affair  at  Sorass  Lake,  did  their  duty.  A 
message  to  Lieutenant  Hazleton,  commanding  Battery 
B  to  remain  in  the  road  with  the  pack-train,  until  he 
should  receive  further  orders,  was  incorrectly  delivered 
by  the  orderly  to  whom  it  was  intrusted,  and  the  Battery 
continued  its  march  to  Butty  Creek  and  did  not  return 
to  Van  Bremmer's  until  the  iQth. 

May  I Qth.  Marched  to  Fairchild's  Ranch  and 
sent  twenty  men  under  Lieutenant  Boutelle  to  escort 
mail-carrier,  who  reported  to  me  he  had  been  fired 
on  while  making  his  way  to  Tule  Lake  and  forced 
back. 

May  2Oth.  Command  was  saddled  and  about  to  re 
sume  march  in  search  of  the  Modocs,  when  Mr.  Fair- 
child  told  me  that  he  had  learned  from  one  of  the  cap 
tured  squaws  in  our  possession  that  the  Modocs  were 
tired  of  fighting  and  wanted  to  surrender  uncondition- 


Last  Fight  of  Campaign        325 

ally,  and  that  they  were  on  their  way  to  give  themselves 
up  when  we  attacked  them  on  the  i8th.  I  sent  out  the 
squaw  to  tell  the  Indians  to  come  in  and  give  themselves 
up,  and  made  her  distinctly  understand  that  the  surren 
der  was  to  be  unconditional. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

i 

GENERAL    CUSTER    AGAIN 

My  discussion  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  Campaign  *  called  forth  a 
number  of  interesting  comments.  Most  of  the  critics  who  have  written 
to  me  have  agreed  with  my  conclusions.  The  other  day  there  came  to 
me  from  Fort  William  McKinley  in  the  Philippine  Islands  a  letter  and 
an  article  on  Ouster's  last  fight.  The  letter  corrects  some  minor  errors 
in  my  account,  and  I  therefore  insert  it  in  full.  I  also  insert,  with  the 
permission  of  the  distinguished  author,  the  complete  account  of  the 
battle  which  he  has  prepared  with  so  much  care,  and  which  was  verified 
in  every  particular  by  so  eminent  an  officer  as  Colonel  Benteen  and 
others  who  participated. 

Any  and  every  contribution  to  the  literature  of  this  the  most  dis 
astrous  and  most  famous  of  the  Indian  battles  of  the  United  States 
Army  is  of  great  value  and  certain  of  a  welcome.  Hence  the  propriety 
of  inserting  it  here. 

It  is  followed  by  a  memorandum  by  Colonel  Ewert,  with  comment  by 
General  Godfrey  on  the  fight  of  August  nth  on  the  Yellowstone,  in 
which  Ewert  makes  the  point  that  Custer  intended  to  disobey  orders 
on  this  occasion  also.  Both  Godfrey  and  Varnum  deny  this,  and  I  think 
it  is  probable  that  Colonel  Ewert  is  confusing  a  camp  rumor  with  a 
positive  order. 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  Indian  fighters,  civilians,  that  is,  known 
as  Yellowstone  Kelly  has  furnished  me  with  a  brief  sketch  of  one  of 
the  skirmishes  in  Miles'  final  campaign  against  Crazy  Horse,  that 
of  Wolf  Mountain.  It  is  also  appended  not  only  from  its  intrinsic 
interest,  but  because  it  is  typical  of  hundreds  of  little  affairs  which 
took  place  every  day  during  these  Indian  wars.  —  C.  T.  B. 

*  In  the  preceding  volume  of  this  series,  "  Indian  Fights  and  Fighters." 
329 


330   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Headquarters,  Thirteenth  Infantry, 
Fort  William  McKinley,  Rizal,  P.  I. 

October  8,  1906. 
MY  DEAR  DOCTOR: 

I  have  read  with  much  interest  your  "Indian  Fights  and  Fighters," 
especially  that  portion  of  it  which  relates  to  the  Custer  Fight,  and 
"Miles'  Great  Campaigning,"  as  I  was  one  of  the  junior  2nd  Lieu 
tenants  of  that  grand  organization,  the  Fifth  Infantry,  during  those 
stirring  days,  1876-80. 

I  first  saw  the  "Custer  Field"  in  the  spring  of  1877,  visiting  it  with 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  Second  Cavalry,  who  had  been  with  Gib 
bon's  command.  For  years  thereafter  I  collected  material,  pictures, 
notes,  etc.,  with  a  view  to  writing  a  history  of  the  fight,  but  it  was 
not  until  1893  that  I  got  down  to  actual  work.  My  account  is  a 
"mosaic,"  a  compilation,  pruned  down  again  and  again.  My  first 
paper  was  over  100  type-written  pages. 

In  1894  it  was  my  great  good  fortune  to  be  ordered  to  Fort  McPher- 
son,  Ga.,  near  Atlanta.  Colonel  Benteen  was  then  living  near  there, 
and  every  Sunday  for  over  three  months  he  and  I  would  go  over  my 
work,  until  it  reached  its  present  form,  when  he  pronounced  it  "the 
best  paper  extant  on  the  Custer  Fight."  This  was  in  1895.  That 
winter  I  read  the  paper  to  the  regiment,  as  an  illustrated  lecture, 
presenting  the  views,  150  of  them.  Afterward  the  lecture  was 
delivered  twice  in  Atlanta  —  many  times  in  Buffalo,  N.  Y.  —  at 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  and  at  other  places.  (Copy  forwarded  herewith 
which  please  return,  remembering  that  it  was  completed  in  1895.) 

My  original  papers  have  been  lost  in  one  of  my  boxes  which  dis 
appeared  from  my  "plunder"  during  the  moves  which  came  to  us  in 
1898  and  subsequent  years. 

In  your  book  you  fail  to  mention  having  received  any  assistance 
from  Gen.  Chas.  F.  Roe,  now  Maj.  Gen.  N.  G.  of  New  York.  Lieu 
tenant  Roe  was  with  Gibbon's  command  at  the  time  of  the  fight, 
and  always  claimed  to  "have  something  up  his  sleeve"  pertaining  to 
the  campaign. 

Mayhap  be  was  the  mysterious  person  of  the  affidavit  referred  to  by 
General  Miles.  I  say  "mayhap."  I  know  nothing.  It  is  hardly  con 
ceivable  that  General  Miles  would  refuse  to  state  who  his  informant 
was  unless  he  desired  to  protect  him,  and  in  the  case  of  an  enlisted 
man  or  interpreter  or  scout,  he  would  hardly  have  kept  silence  so  long. 
I  merely  mention  this  as  a  possible  contingency. 

Now  a  few  remarks  regarding  your  article  in  "The  Last  of  Custer," 


Appendix  331 


page  243,  II:  "Benteen  moved  off  westward."  This  is  misleading. 
The  general  tendency  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  is  northwesterly  at  that 
portion  near  the  battle-field,  and  from  there  to  its  mouth.  Benteen  was 
ordered  to  the  "left,"  which  would  carry  him  more  to  the  east  or  south. 
(See  map  of  Montana.)  Near  the  bottom  of  the  page  you  say  "he 
.  .  .  struck  into  the  valley  of  the  Big  Horn. "  He  never  got  near  the 
"Big  Horn."  The  whole  operation  was  in  the  valley  of  the  "Little 
Big  Horn,"  or  "Greasy  Grass." 

Of  course  these  points  are  not  material,  but  as  a  matter  of  history 
should  be  made  as  correct  as  possible. 

In  1886,  at  the  reunion  of  the  survivors  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  on 
the  Custer  Battle-field,  when  Gall  gave  his  version  of  the  story,  stand 
ing  at  the  foot  of  the  Custer  monument,  facing  up  the  Little  Big  Horn 
River,  I  was  present,  and  heard  his  description.  I  made  copious  notes 
•at  the  time,  but  these  notes  were  lost  with  the  rest  of  my  original  papers 
pertaining  to  the  fight. 

On  page  233  you  speak  of  Reno  as  moving  down  a  creek  called 
"Reno's  Creek."  This  is  wrong.  The  creek  is  called  "Benteen"  or 
"Sundance"  Creek.  (See  map  opposite  page  230.) 

The  country  between  the  line  on  map  "  Custer' s  Route"  and  the 
river  is  impassable  for  horses,  and  almost  so  for  footmen,  therefore 
Custer  had  to  either  go  forward  before  striking  the  village,  or  else 
turn  back  and  cross  where  Reno  did.  Notice  on  the  map  that  he  never 
got  within  rifle  distance  of  the  Indian  village. 

Again  on  page  230  I  think  your  "time"  is  wrong.  Gall  stated,  by 
pointing,  that  the  sun  was  nearly  overhead  when  Custer  and  his  im 
mediate  command  was  annihilated,  and  that  this  particular  part  of  the 
fight  lasted  much  less  than  an  hour,  probably  not  over  half  an  hour. 
Another  thing  the  Indians  say  is  that  many  of  the  soldiers  were  pulled 
from  their  horses,  that  the  horses  were  unmanageable,  and  that  the 
soldiers  had  to  use  both  hands  to  hold  them  in,  pulling  and  jerking 
the  reins,  and  sawing  the  horses'  mouths  from  side  to  side. 

Another  story  they  tell  is  that  some  of  the  men  with  gray  horses 
tried  to  get  away,  and  that  the  dismounted  soldiers  on  the  hill  fired 
into  them  to  try  and  make  them  come  back.  Of  course  this  latter  story 
was  never  told  in  public. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  having  bored  you  enough  I  will  close  —  but  I  have 
one  request  to  make,  and  that  is,  if  you  ever  find  out  the  truth  of  the 
"Affidavit"  spoken  of  by  General  Miles  that  you  let  me  know.  I  agree 
with  you  perfectly,  as  you  will  see  from  my  manuscript  written  in  1895, 
that  Custer  disobeyed  his  orders  in  spirit  and  in  fact;  but  one  thing  I 


332    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

disagree  with,  and  that  is  that  in  my  opinion  Reno  and  his  whole  com 
mand  would  have  been  wiped  out  if  he  had  ever  pushed  his  first  attack 
"home"  as  the  saying  is.  The  village  extended  full  three  miles  down 
the  valley  teeming  with  warriors,  young  boys  and  young  women.  Few 
old  people  and  few  children  were  in  the  village,  and  if  Reno  had 
charged  into  this  mass  no  one  man  would  have  lived  to  either  get 
through  or  to  get  back. 

One  of  Custer's  men,  so  the  Indians  say,  got  away  on  his  horse 
down  the  Little  Big  Horn,  and  the  chase  was  given  up,  but  the  Indians 
chasing  him  watched  to  see  where  he  would  go.  After  a  little  he  stopped, 
placed  his  revolver  to  his  head,  and  blew  his  brains  out.  The  Indians 
then  caught  his  horse. 

Very  truly  yours, 

WM.  H.  C.  BOWEN, 
Lieut.  Col.  1 3th  Inf. 


II 

OUSTER'S  LAST   FIGHT 
Compiled  by  Lieut.  Col.  Wm.  H.  C.  Bowen,  U.  S.  A. 

Gen.  George  A.  Custer  graduated  from  the  Military  Academy  in 
1861,  going  immediately  to  the  front.  He  was  a  young  man  of  indomi 
table  pluck,  and  although  of  the  lowest  military  rank,  he  soon  proved 
himself  so  able  and  willing  that  within  a  year  he  was  a  captain  and 
aide-de-camp;  and  within  another  year  he  had  raised  himself  to  the 
rank  of  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers.  In  1865  he  was  promoted 
Major  General,  and  served  as  such  until  mustered  out  early  in  1866. 
At  the  reorganization  of  the  Army  in  1 866  four  cavalry  regiments 
were  added  to  it,  the  Seventh,  Eighth,  Ninth,  and  Tenth,  and  Custer 
was  gazetted  to  the  Seventh,  as  Lieutenant  Colonel. 

The  regiment,  under  Custer's  command,  saw  much  active  service 
against  Indians  in  Nebraska,  Kansas,  and  Indian  Territory  during 
the  next  two  years;  after  which  it  went  South  until  1873,  when  a  part 
of  it  was  moved  to  Dakota,  taking  station  at  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln 
(opposite  Bismarck,  North  Dakota).  A  part  was  at  Fort  Rice,  Dakota, 
and  a  part  did  not  come  from  the  South  until  just  before  the  expedi 
tion  started. 

For  some  years  previous  to  this  there  had  been  troubles  of  various 


Appendix  333 

kinds  with  the  Sioux  Indians  and  kindred  tribes.  In  1866  Forts  C.  F. 
Smith,  on  the  Big  Horn  River,  Montana,  and  Phil  Kearney,  on  the  Little 
Piney,  Wyoming,  had  been  established  to  open  and  protect  a  wagon- 
road  from  a  point  near  the  then  western  limit  of  civilization,  to  the 
rich  mines  and  splendid  grazing  lands  of  western  Montana.  The 
Indians,  owning  the  country  through  which  the  road  ran,  protested. 
They  did  not  care  to  have  any  white  men  in  their  country;  they  did 
not  wish  to  have  any  soldiers  near  there.  They  had  no  wish  for  civili 
zation.  Game  was  plenty;  the  great  plains  were  covered  with  buffalo, 
elk,  deer  and  antelope.  The  climate  was  suited  to  their  habits,  and  they 
were  contented.  Who  can  blame  them  ?  That  whole  section  of  country 
was  a  "Garden  Spot,"  and  to  one  who  knew  it  in  those  days  the  love 
of  the  Indian  for  it  is  no  wonder.  If  the  "white  man"  could  have  been 
kept  out,  it  would  still  be  a  paradise  for  the  hunter;  but  Providence  had 
other  ends  in  view.  The  adventurous  white  man  could  not  be  kept 
back  for  long;  gold  was  discovered  in  the  "Black  Hills,"  and  what  can 
keep  a  white  man  from  gold  ?  Nothing.  Indian  protests  and  orders 
from  the  Government  availed  nothing.  Adventurers  would  go  into  the 
forbidden  country,  and  of  course  some  of  them  were  killed  by  the  right 
ful  owners.  These  killings  called  for  reprisals,  and  before  long  the  Gov 
ernment  found  itself  with  an  Indian  war  on  its  hands. 

In  1874  and  1875  General  Crook,  from  the  Department  of  the  Platte, 
with  headquarters  at  Omaha,  Nebraska,  and  troops,  including  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  from  the  Department  of  Dakota,  made  incursions 
into  the  Indian  country,  embracing  Wyoming,  Dakota,  and  Montana, 
and  lost  some  men^  but  there  was  no  general  fight.  The  Indians 
hostile  to  the  Government  by  this  time  amounted  to  thousands,  and 
the  President,  Generals  Sherman  and  Sheridan,  and  others  in  au 
thority,  had  many  consultations  as  to  the  best  methods  of  bringing 
these  Indians  to  terms.  The  question  had  passed  beyond  the  power 
of  moral  suasion;  nothing  but  force  would  do. 

So,  early  in  1876,  General  Crook  started  against  these  disaffected 
Indians,  composed  of  the  different  tribes  of  the  Sioux,  the  Northern 
Cheyennes,  etc.  He  struck  them  near  the  head  waters  of  the  Rosebud 
River,  and  suffered  a  severe  check,  if  not  a  defeat.  At  any  rate,  he  found 
that  nothing  short  of  several  thousand  troops  would  be  sufficient  to 
teach  the  Wards  of  the  Nation  the  lesson  needed.  Placing  his  command 
in  a  strong  camp  he  waited  for  reinforcements.  General  Terry,  with  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  and  an  infantry  force,  was  to  come  in  from  the  north 
and  east.  General  Gibbon,  with  the  Seventh  Infantry  and  a  battalion 
of  the  Second  Cavalry,  was  to  come  from  the  west,  while  General 


334    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Crook's  reinforced  command  was  to  close  in  from  the  south.  If  these 
several  commands  had  moved  in  unison  the  Indians  would  have 
been  hemmed  in  and  surrounded  without  possibility  of  escape,  but 
such  was  not  to  be  the  case. 

The  country  in  which  all  these  movements  were  to  take  place  was 
at  this  time  absolutely  a  terra  incognita  —  an  unknown  country.  No 
white  guides  could  be  found,  because  white  men  had  never  been  over 
the  ground.  For  the  same  reason  there  were  no  reliable  maps  of  this 
region.  All  was  guesswork,  consequently  there  could  be  no  unity  of 
movement. 

On  May  i/th  General  Terry's  command  left  Fort  Lincoln  for  the 
hostile  camp,  wherever  it  might  be  found,  situated  somewhere  in  the 
West,  hundreds  of  miles  distant.  In  order  to  subsist  this  command  in 
an  uninhabited  country,  a  large  pack-train,  a  wagon-train  of  over 
one  hundred  wagons,  besides  ambulances,  were  required.  This  wagon- 
train  carried  thirty  days'  rations  and  forage,  extra  ammunition,  tents, 
cooking  utensils,  bedding,  hospital  supplies,  etc.,  etc.  A  steamboat 
had  been  sent  up  the  Yellowstone  River  with  extra  supplies,  and  to  act 
as  a  base  of  supplies. 

A  day's  march  covered  from  ten  to  forty  miles,  generally  averaging 
perhaps  twenty  miles,  and  determined  in  great  measure  by  the  re 
quirements  of  wood,  water  and  grass;  wood  for  fires,  for  of  course  no 
wood  could  be  carried  by  the  wagons;  water  for  both  men  and  animals; 
grass  for  the  grazing  of  the  animals. 

There  were  approximately  about  1,500  animals  which  had  to  be 
cared  for,  in  addition  to  the  men.  A  campaign  against  Indians  meant 
something  more  than  marching  and  fighting.  It  meant  also  providing 
against  starvation  and  sickness,  and  required  much  forethought  and 
preparation  on  the  part  of  the  commander  and  his  staff-officers. 

Reveille  was  generally  sounded  from  4:30  to  5  o'clock  A.M., 
and  by  6  o'clock  the  command  was  usually  on  the  march.  Camp  was 
made  about  2  o'clock  P.M.,  sometimes  a  little  earlier,  seldom  much 
later,  for  time  was  needed  in  which  to  give  the  animals  their  much- 
needed  grazing. 

On  May  29th  the  command  reached  the  Little  Missouri.  On  the 
3Oth  General  Custer  and  four  troops  scouted  up  this  stream  for 
twenty  miles  or  more,  but  found  no  recent  Indian  signs.  On  the  3ist 
the  crossing  of  this  stream  took  place.  The  command  lay  in  camp 
June  ist  and  2nd,  on  account  of  a  snowstorm.  On  or  near  the  Little 
Missouri  was  the  place  where  it  was  expected  that  first  signs  of  the 
bostiles  would  be  found;  but  as  the  scout  of  Custer,  just  referred  to, 


Appendix  335 

had  been  barren  of  results,  the  Indian  village  must  be  looked  for  far 
ther  south  or  west,  somewhere  in  the  region  covered  by  the  Big  Horn, 
Little  Big  Horn,  Rosebud,  Tongue  and  Powder  Rivers,  all  of  these 
streams  heading  in  the  Big  Horn  range  of  mountains. 

On  June  8th  Terry's  and  Gibbon's  columns  joined  each  other  near 
the  mouth  of  Powder  River.  Gibbon  reported  no  recent  "signs" 
north  of  the  Yellowstone,  which  proved  conclusively  that  the  whole 
body  of  Indians  must  be  within  the  country  just  referred  to.  Now,  if 
all  went  well,  they  would  be  caught  between  two  fires,  Crook  on  the 
south,  Terry  and  Gibbon  combined  on  the  north.  They  could  not 
slip  through  to  the  west  on  account  of  the  Yellowstone  River.  They 
might  get  away  to  the  east  and  go  back  to  their  reservations,  but  this 
was  not  likely  without  a  fight.  Now  as  to  their  numbers. 

About  one  third  of  the  whole  Sioux  Nation,  including  the  Northern 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  were  present  at  the  battle,  estimated,  in 
cluding  women  and  children,  at  between  twelve  and  fifteen  thousand; 
one  out  of  four  is  a  low  estimate  in  determining  the  number  of  warriors 
present.  (Every  male  over  fourteen  years  of  age  may  be  considered  a 
warrior  in  a  general  fight,  such  as  was  the  battle  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn.)  Also,  considering  the  extra  hazards  of  the  hunt  and  expected 
battle,  fewer  squaws  would  accompany  the  recruits  from  the  agencies. 
The  minimum  strength  of  their  fighting  men  may  then  be  put  down  as 
between  2,500  and  3,000,  with  probabilities  that  they  were  nearer  4,000. 
Frank  Grouard,  General  Crook's  chief  scout,  estimated  the  fighting 
strength  of  the  camp  at  9,000 — all  armed  with  latest  improved  firearms, 
Winchesters  mostly. 

The  principal  warrior  chiefs  of  the  hostile  Indians  were:  "Gall," 
"Crow  King,"  and  "Black  Moon,"  Uncpapa  Sioux;  "Low  Dog," 
"Crazy  Horse,"  and  "Big  Road,"  Ogalalla  Sioux;  "Spotted  Eagle," 
Sans-Arc-Sioux;  "Hump"  of  the  Minneconjous;  and  "White  Bull," 
"Little  Horse,"  and  "Lame  Deer,"  of  the  Cheyennes.  To  these  be 
long  the  chief  honors  of  conducting  the  battle,  of  whom,  however, 
"Gall,"  "Crow  King,"  and  "Crazy  Horse"  were  the  ruling  spirits 
in  the  fight. 

But,  you  say,  what  of  "Sitting  Bull"  ?  I  thought  he  was  the  chief, 
the  ruling  spirit  over  all,  the  head  man.  I  will  tell  you. 

There  were  a  number  of  Sioux  Indians  under  Sitting  Bull,  known  as 
hostiles,  who  never  went  to  an  Agency,  except  to  visit  friends  and  rel 
atives  (for  the  greater  number  of  Indians  at  this  time  were  collected 
at  agencies,  where  they  were  partly  fed  and  clothed  by  the  Government, 
but  were  allowed  to  leave,  on  pass,  for  the  purpose  of  hunting,  visiting, 


336    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

etc.).  They,  the  hostiles,  camped  in  and  roamed  about  the  buffalo 
country.  Their  camp  was  the  rendezvous  for  the  Agency  Indians,  when 
they  went  out  for  their  annual  hunts  for  meat  and  robes.  They  com 
prised  representatives  from  all  the  different  tribes  of  the  Sioux  Nation. 
Many  of  them  were  renegade  outlaws  from  the  agencies.  In  their  visits 
to  the  agencies  they  were  usually  arrogant  and  fomenters  of  discord. 
Depredations  had  been  made  upon  the  commerce  to  the  Black  Hills, 
and  a  number  of  lives  taken  by  them  or  by  others,  for  which  they  were 
blamed. 

The  authorities  at  Washington  had  determined  to  compel  these  In 
dians  to  reside  at  the  agencies, —  hence  one  reason  for  the  Sioux  War  of 
1875-76.  This  was  also  known  as  an  Interior  Department  war.  In  1875 
the  Interior  Department  sent  runners  to  the  hostiles,  telling  them  to 
come  in  or  "we  will  bring  you  in."  The  Indians,  feeling  themselves 
extremely  strong,  were  very  arrogant,  and  replied:  "We  know  the  way 
in;  if  we  don't  come  in,  you  come  out  and  fetch  us;  we'll  be  here  when 
you  come;  we'll  wait  for  you. " 

Sitting  Bull  (Ta-tan-ka  I-yo-tan-ka),  an  Uncpapa  Sioux  Indian, 
was  the  chief  of  the  hostile  camp;  he  had  about  sixty  lodges  of  followers 
on  whom  he  could  at  all  times  depend.  He  was  the  host  of  the  hostiles, 
and  as  such  received  and  entertained  their  visitors.  These  visitors  gave 
him  many  presents,  and  he  was  thus  enabled  to  make  many  presents  in 
return.  All  visitors  paid  tribute  to  him,  so  he  gave  liberally  to  the  most 
influential,  the  chiefs,  —  i.  <?.,  he  "put  it  where  it  would  do  the  most 
good."  In  this  way  he  became  known  as  the  chief  of  the  hostile  Indian 
camp,  and  the  camp  was  generally  known  as  "Sitting  Bull's  Camp." 

Sitting  Bull  was  a  heavy-set,  muscular  man,  about  five  feet  eight 
inches  in  stature,  and  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn 
was  forty-two  years  of  age.  In  council  his  views  had  great  weight, 
because  he  was  known  as  a  great  medicine  man.  He  was  a  chief,  but 
not  a  warrior;  he  was  a  diplomat,  but  not  a  soldier.  A  short  time  pre 
vious  to  the  battle  he  had  "made  medicine,"  and  had  predicted  that 
the  soldiers  would  attack  the  Indians,  and  that  the  soldiers  would  all 
be  killed.  He  took  no  active  part  in  the  battle,  but,  as  was  his  custom 
in  time  of  danger,  remained  in  the  village,  or  on  a  hilltop  near  it, 
"making  medicine."  Personally,  he  was  regarded  as  a  great  coward 
and  a  very  great  liar,  "a  man  with  a  big  head  and  a  little  heart." 
(Left  the  camp  in  such  a  hurry  that  he  left  one  of  his  twins  behind.) 
Frank  Grouard,  General  Crook's  chief  scout,  —  a  white  man  who 
was  captured  by  the  Sioux  and  who  lived  with  them  for  six  years,  — 
says  that  Sitting  Bull  was  a  brave  warrior,  that  he  would  not  ask  or 


Appendix  337 

order  a  man  to  go  where  he  would  not  lead,  etc.  This  may  have  been 
true,  but  the  concensus  of  opinion  seems  to  be  as  I  first  stated. 

The  command  passed  the  remains  of  a  lodge  where  a  "Sun  dance" 
had  taken  place,  about  June  5th.  This  was  always  a  ceremony  of  great 
importance  to  the  Indians. 

On  June  loth  Major  Reno,  Seventh  Cavalry,  was  detached  from 
the  command  with  six  troops  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  to  scout  up  the 
Powder  to  the  Little  Powder,  thence  over  to  Mizpah  Creek,  from 
Mizpah  to  Pumpkin  Creek,  down  the  latter  to  the  Tongue  River, 
thence  down  the  Tongue  to  the  Yellowstone,  where  he  would  again 
join  Terry  with  the  balance  of  the  command. 

Now  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  feelings,  the  personal  feelings  of 
the  two  senior  officers  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  against  their  chief,  Gen 
eral  Terry.  As  early  as  May  8th,  in  St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  and  near  the 
headquarters  of  the  Department  Commander,  Custer  said  to  a  brother 
officer,  referring  to  the  coming  campaign,  in  words  to  this  effect:  "It 
is  my  purpose  to  cut  loose  from  Terry  at  the  first  opportunity,  and  make 
my  operations  independently  of  him.  I  got  away  from  Stanley"  (this 
referring  to  a  campaign  undertaken  in  a  previous  year,  1873),  "  and  I 
will  be  able  to  swing  clear  of  Terry."  But  unfortunately  this  remark 
of  Custer's  was  not  reported  to  Terry  until  after  his  return  from  the 
campaign.  Wasn't  this  a  breach  of  discipline  ?  If  Custer  had  these 
feelings  it  is  possible  that  Reno  shared  them,  for  instead  of  carrying 
out  his  orders  for  the  scout  as  just  given,  in  direct  violation  of  instruc 
tions  he  bolted  straight  for  the  Rosebud,  which  he  struck  near  its 
mouth.  He  found  a  trail  about  three  weeks  old  and  followed  it  for  a 
short  distance,  and  then  returned  without  having  accomplished  his 
mission,  which  was  to  ascertain  whether  there  were  any  Indians  on 
the  head  waters  of  Powder  River,  Tongue  River,  etc. 

On  June  igth  General  Terry  received  the  news  of  Reno's  discovery 
of  the  Indian  trail.  On  the  21  st  he  had  a  conference  on  board  the 
steamboat  "Far  West,"  at  which  were  present,  besides  himself,  Gen 
eral  Gibbon,  General  Custer,  and  several  of  the  staff. 

The  Indian  encampment  was  believed  to  lie  to  the  north  of  the 
Big  Horn  Mountains,  east  of  and  near  the  Big  Horn  River,  in  the  valley 
of  the  Little  Big  Horn  River.  The  immense  snow-fields  of  the  Big 
Horn  Mountains  fill  all  these  streams,  and  during  the  hot  days  of  early 
summer  a  great  volume  of  water  pours  down  them.  The  incline  of  the 
bed  of  the  Big  Horn  is  so  great  that  when  the  channel  is  full,  as  it 
usually  is  in  the  month  of  June,  the  stream  is  practically  impassable. 
It  is  thus  seen  that  the  Indian  position  could  only  be  approached 


338    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

from  the  north  or  east.  If  a  concentrated  attack  was  made  from  the 
north,  a  line  of  escape  was  left  open  to  the  eastward.  General  Terry's 
plan  was  for  Ouster's  column,  which  was  the  strategic  one  of  his  com 
mand,  to  occupy  this  eastward  line  and  so  cut  off  escape  in  that  direc 
tion  before  the  Indians  were  disturbed,  while  Gibbon's  column  closed 
in  from  the  north.  In  order  to  effect  this  "combined  movement"  and 
secure  joint  action  as  speedily  as  possible,  it  was  very  important  that 
Gibbon  should  be  informed  of  the  situation  from  the  head  of  Tulloch's 
Fork,  and  of  Custer's  discoveries  and  consequent  movements. 

General  Custer  was  ordered  with  his  regiment  to  follow  the  trail 
discovered  by  Reno  a  certain  distance,  then  branch  off  toward  the 
head  waters  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  locate  the  Indian  village  if  pos 
sible,  and  be  in  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  on  'June  26th,  when  he 
would  be  joined  by  the  rest  of  the  command  as  soon  after  that  date  as 
possible.  Terry  with  the  balance  of  the  command  was  to  follow  the 
Yellowstone  to  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn,  thence  up  its  valley 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  where  he  would  be  not  later  than 
the  night  of  the  26th.  Note  carefully  the  date,  June  26th.  Custer  was 
also  ordered  to  send  scouts  down  Tulloch's  Fork,  and  communicate 
with  Terry,  if  possible.  Special  men,  selected  for  the  purpose,  were 
detailed  from  Gibbon's  command  with  this  end  in  view,  but  were  not 
used.  Why  ?  Because  Custer  had  his  own  aims,  intentions  and  objects 
to  attain.  He  never  intended  to  wait  for  Terry  and  Gibbon  to  come  up; 
he  hoped  to  strike  the  Indians  and  whip  them  without  assistance.  He 
wanted  all  the  glory  there  was  to  be  gotten  out  of  it  for  himself  alone; 
he  even  went  so  far  as  to  refuse  to  take  along  the  battalion  of  the 
Second  Cavalry,  which  was  a  part  of  Gibbon's  command.  His  desire 
was  to  get  away  by  himself,  to  become  his  own  master,  to  obey  his 
own  personal  instincts  only. 

Noon  of  the  23rd  General  Custer  mounted  and  started  up  the  Rose 
bud,  followed  by  the  command.  Eight  miles  out  they  came  to  the  first 
of  the  Indian  camping  places.  It  certainly  indicated  a  large  village  and 
numerous  population.  There  were  a  great  many  " wickiups"  (bushes 
stuck  in  the  ground  with  the  tops  drawn  together,  over  which  they 
placed  canvas  or  blankets).  These  were  the  temporary  shelters  of  the 
transients  from  the  agencies.  During  the  day  three  of  these  camping 
places  were  passed  through,  and  halts  were  made  at  each  one.  Every 
body  was  busy  studying  the  age  of  pony  droppings  and  tracks  and 
lodge  trails,  and  endeavoring  to  determine  the  number  of  lodges. 
These  points  were  the  all-absorbing  topics  of  conversation.  Camp  was 
made  about  5  o'clock,  having  marched  about  fifteen  miles. 


Appendix  339 

June  24th  the  command  passed  a  great  many  camping  places,  all 
appearing  to  be  of  nearly  the  same  strength. 

The  march  during  the  day  was  tedious;  many  long  halts  were  made 
so  as  not  to  get  ahead  of  the  scouts,  who  seemed  to  be  doing  their  work 
thoroughly  in  front,  but  giving  no  attention  to  the  right,  toward 
Tulloch's  Fork,  which  was  a  great  mistake  and  a  direct  violation  of 
orders.  About  sundown  camp  was  made;  distance  marched  about 
thirty-five  miles.  Orders  were  given  to  be  in  readiness  to  move  again 
at  11.30  P.M.,  and  the  march  would  be  taken  up,  as  Custer  was  anxious 
to  get  as  near  the  divide  as  possible  before  daylight. 

A  little  after  2  A.M.,  June  25th,  the  command  was  halted  to  await 
further  tidings  from  the  scouts;  distance  marched  about  ten  miles. 
Part  of  the  command  unsaddled  to  rest  the  horses.  After  daylight  some 
coffee  was  made,  but  it  was  almost  impossible  to  drink  it;  the  water 
was  so  alkaline  that  the  horses  refused  to  drink  it.  Some  time  before 
8  o'clock,  General  Custer  gave  orders  to  be  ready  to  march  at  8 
o'clock,  and  gave  information  that  scouts  had  reported  that  they  had 
discovered  the  locality  of  the  Indian  villages  or  camps  in  the  valley  of 
the  Little  Big  Horn,  about  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  beyond  the  divide, 
but  that  he,  Custer,  didn't  believe  a  word  of  it;  that  he  had  looked 
through  their  glasses  and  could  see  nothing.  Just  before  setting  out  on 
the  march,  Custer,  "  Bloody  Knife"  (the  Ree  scout),  and  several  other 
scouts,  and  a  half-breed  interpreter  were  squatted  in  a  circle  having  a 
talk,  after  the  Indian  fashion.  The  scouts  were  doing  the  talking,  and 
seemed  nervous  and  disturbed.  Finally  "Bloody  Knife"  made  a  re 
mark  that  Custer  could  not  seem  to  understand,  and  he  asked  in  his 
usual  quick,  brusque  manner,  "What's  that  he  says  ?"  The  interpreter 
replied,  "He  says  we'll  find  enough  Sioux  to  keep  us  fighting  two  or 
three  days."  Custer  smiled  and  remarked,  "I  guess  we'll  get  through 
with  them  in  one  day." 

The  column  started  promptly  at  eight  o'clock,  and  marched  uninter 
ruptedly  until  10.30  A.M.,  when  it  halted  in  a  ravine;  distance  marched 
about  ten  miles. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  from  noon  on  the  23rd  to  10.30  on  the  25th 
about  eighty-one  miles  had  been  covered. 

Little  sleep  and  no  rest  to  speak  of  had  been  possible  for  either  man 
or  animals.  Was  this  a  fit  condition  with  which  to  commence  a  des 
perate  fight  ?  No,  a  thousand  times  no.  If  a  commander  ever  needs 
fresh  men  and  fresh  animals,  it  is  at  the  beginning  of  an  attack  on  an 
Indian  village.  No  tired,  sleepy,  hungry,  thirsty  men  are  wanted  at 
such  a  time. 


340    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Captain  Varnum,  Seventh  Cavalry,  has  something  to  say  about  this 
march.  I  quote  his  own  words: 

"We  got  into  camp  about  dark,  and  I  was  skirmishing  for  grub,  being 
pretty  well  tired  out.  Custer  came  to  our  camp  (the  scouts')  and  sat 
down,  holding  a  confab  in  the  brush  with  the  Crow  scouts.  Custer 
then  explained  to  me  that  the  Crows  said  that  on  the  divide  between 
the  Little  Big  Horn  and  the  Rosebud  there  was  a  high  hill  with  a  Crow's 
nest  in  it,  where  the  Crows  went  when  they  tried  to  steal  horses  from 
the  Sioux;  that  when  it  became  daylight  they  could  tell  by  the  rising  of 
the  smoke  whether  there  were  Indians  on  the  Little  Big  Horn  or  not. 
He  wanted  some  intelligent  white  man  to  go  with  these  Crows  and  get 
from  them  what  they  saw,  and  send  word  back  to  him.  I  told  him  I 
supposed  that  meant  me,  and  it  ended  in  my  going.  I  took  with  me 
Charles  Reynolds,  Mick  Bouyer,  five  Crows  and  eight  or  ten  Rees. 
Custer  said  he  would  move  at  n  o'clock  at  night;  I  was  to  go  at  9.  He 
would  go  to  the  base  of  the  mountains  where  I  was  to  be,  and  I  was 
to  send  him  a  note  as  early  as  possible  of  what  I  learned.  I  got  to  the 
Crows'  nest  about  2.30  A.M.  on  the  25th,  and  about  twenty-five  miles 
from  where  I  had  left  Custer.  I  threw  myself  down  and  fell  asleep;  but 
in  about  three-quarters  of  an  hour  I  was  waked  up.  It  was  then  just  day 
light.  The  Indians  (Crows)  wanted  me  on  the  bluff  above  us.  I  scram 
bled  up.  I  saw  the  two  tepees,  spoken  of  so  often,  on  the  branch  down 
which  we  went  to  fight.  The  Indians  tried  to  show  me  an  immense 
pony  herd  in  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big  Horn.  I  couldn't  see  it.  They 
told  me  to  'look  for  worms.'  In  fact  my  eyes  were  pretty  sore  anyway. 
I  had  ridden  about  seventy  miles  without  sleep,  and  my  eyesight  was  not 
very  good  for  long  range.  I  sat  down  and  wrote  a  despatch  to  Custer, 
and  sent  it  off  at  about  4.45.  Before  the  Rees  left  with  the  message, 
however,  the  smoke  of  some  of  Custer's  camp-fires  was  seen  about  ten 
miles  off,  possibly  not  so  far.  The  Crows  were  angry  at  Custer  for  allow 
ing  fires  under  the  circumstances.  Custer  got  my  message  at  about  8 
o'clock  and  started  soon  after,  and  the  dust  of  his  column  could  be 
plainly  seen  as  soon  as  he  did  so,  though  not  his  troops." 

It  is  seen  that  the  most  ordinary  precautions  against  discovery  were 
not  taken,  and  indeed  the  advertisement  of  his  approach  was  sufficient 
to  excite  the  indignation  of  his  scouts. 

The  Little  Big  Horn  River,  or  the  "Greasy  Grass"  as  it  is  known  to 
the  Indians,  is  a  rapid  mountain  stream,  from  20  to  40  yards  wide, 
with  a  pebbled  bottom,  but  abrupt,  soft  banks.  The  water  at  the 
ordinary  stage  is  from  two  to  five  feet  in  depth,  depending  upon  the 
width  of  the  channel.  The  general  direction  of  its  course  is  northeast- 


Appendix  341 

erly  down  to  the  Little  Big  Horn  battle-field,  where  it  trends  north 
westerly  to  its  confluence  with  the  Big  Horn  River.  The  other  topo 
graphical  features  of  the  country  which  concern  us  may  be  briefly 
described  as  follows:  Between  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  the  Big  Horn 
Rivers  is  a  plateau  of  undulating  prairie;  between  the  Little  Big  Horn 
and  the  Rosebud  are  the  Little  Chetish  or  Wolf  Mountains,  a  broken 
country  of  considerable  elevation,  of  high  precipitous  hills  and  deep 
narrow  gulches.  The  command  had  followed  the  trail  up  a  branch  of 
the  Rosebud  to  within,  say,  a  mile  of  the  summit  of  these  mountains 
which  form  the  divide.  Not  many  miles  to  the  right  was  the  divide 
between  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  Tulloch's  Fork.  The  creek  that 
drained  the  watershed  to  the  right  and  front  is  now  called  Sundance, 
or  Benteen's  Creek.  The  trail,  very  tortuous,  and  sometimes  danger 
ous,  followed  down  the  bed  and  valley  of  this  creek,  which  at  that 
time  was  dry  for  the  greater  part  of  its  length.  It  was  from  the  divide 
between  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  the  Rosebud  that  the  scouts  had  dis 
covered  the  smoke  rising  above  the  village,  and  the  pony  herds  grazing 
in  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  somewhere  about  twelve  or  fif 
teen  miles  away. 

Here  we  find  Custer  and  his  command  within  sight  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn,  and  nowhere  near  so  far  to  his  left  as  he  had  been  ordered  to 
feel,  thirty-six  hours  ahead  of  time.  Not  only  this,  but  his  presence  had 
been  discovered  by  the  enemy.  Why  has  he  not  communicated  with 
Terry  ?  Why  has  he  not  used  the  scouts  sent  for  this  purpose  ?  Why 
has  he  made  a  night  march,  a  march  of  torture  to  man  and  beast  ?  I 
answer:  "For  his  own  personal  and  selfish  ends."  He  had  no  wish, 
no  desire  to  cooperate  with  the  other  commands.  Of  course  he  wished 
to  whip  the  Indians,  but  his  wish  was  to  do  it  himself;  to  have  assist 
ance  from  no  one.  If  there  was  to  be  any  glory  or  reward  to  come  from 
this  affair,  Custer,  and  Custer  only,  was  to  be  benefitted. 

Of  course,  if  the  plan  had  been  carried  out,  Custer,  at  the  expected 
time,  —  the  26th,  not  the  25th,  —  would  have  found  himself  nearly  in 
contact  with  the  enemy. 

A  well-matured  plan,  based  on  reasonable  conclusions  from  known 
facts,  contemplating  the  cooperative  action  of  two  bodies  of  troops, 
intending  to  bring  them  into  joint  action  at  a  specific  date  and  place,  — 
the  purpose  explained  not  alone  in  the  written  orders,  but  in  full  con 
ference  of  all  the  commanders,  —  is  defeated  by  the  failure  of  one 
column  to  carry  out  its  assigned  share,  and  this  failure  not  caused  by 
unforeseen  conditions  found  to  exist  by  its  commander  while  in  its 
execution,  but  because  he  followed  the  trail  directly,  which  he  was  cer- 


342    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

tainly  "desired/*  if  not  actually  forbidden,  NOT  to  do,  and  arrived  at 
the  point  of  cooperation  thirty-six  hours  in  advance  of  the  appointed 
time. 

In  this  there  was  wilful  and  direct  disobedience,  and  there  was  hardly 
less  culpable  neglect  of  duty  in  the  fact  that  no  attempt  was  made  to 
send  to  Terry,  whose  position  was  known  and  easily  reached,  one  word 
of  information  that  the  whole  plan  of  the  march  of  that  column  was 
changed  and  that  it  would  be  on  the  appointed  ground  on  the  morning 
of  the  25th,  instead  of  the  afternoon  of  the  26th. 

Before  quitting  this  feature  of  the  case,  let  us  see  how  General  Gib 
bon  put  himself  on  record  on  this  subject.  In  transmitting  the  map  of 
his  itineraryist  from  Fort  Shaw,  M.  T.,  November  6,  1876,  he  writes 
as  follows : 

"So  great  was  my  fear  that  Custer's  zeal  would  carry  him  forward 
too  rapidly,  that  the  last  thing  I  said  to  him  when  bidding  him  good- 
by,  after  his  regiment  had  filed  past  you  when  starting  on  his  march, 
was,  'Now,  Custer,  don't  be  greedy,  but  wait  for  us.'  He  replied 
gaily,  as  with  a  wave  of  his  hand  he  dashed  off  to  follow  his  regiment, 
'No,  I  will  not.'  Poor  fellow!  Knowing  what  we  do  now,  and  what  an 
effect  a  fresh  Indian  trail  seemed  to  have  had  upon  him,  perhaps  we 
were  expecting  too  much  to  anticipate  a  forbearance  on  his  part  which 
would  have  rendered  cooperation  of  the  two  columns  practicable. 

"Except  so  far  as  to  draw  profit  from  past  experience,  it  is  perhaps 
useless  to  speculate  as  to  what  would  have  been  the  result  had  your 
plan,  as  originally  agreed  upon,  been  carried  out.  But  I  cannot  help 
reflecting  that  in  that  case  my  column,  supposing  the  Indian  camp  to 
have  remained  where  it  was  when  Custer  struck  it,  would  have  been  the 
first  to  have  reached  it;  that  with  our  infantry  and  Catling  guns  we 
should  have  been  able  to  take  care  of  ourselves,  even  though  numbering 
about  two  thirds  of  Custer's  force,  and  that  with  600  cavalry  in  the 
neighborhood,  led  as  only  Custer  could  lead  it,  the  result  to  the  In 
dians  would  have  been  very  different  from  what  it  was." 

Crook  had  had  a  "check"  but  no  massacre,  and  even  the  remainder 
of  Custer's  column  was  able  to  hold  out  against  the  victory-flushed  In 
dians  until  Terry  and  Gibbon  came  up.  Then,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  this  latter  force  numbered  but  400  men,  and  the  Indian 
force  was  practically  untouched,  they  incontinently  fled.  Is  it  not 
easily  conceivable  that,  had  Gibbon  and  Custer  been  acting  together, 
as  Terry  had  planned,  the  force  would  certainly  have  had  no  check, 
much  less  an  overwhelming  disaster,  if  indeed  it  failed  of  a  signal 
victory  ?  Even  if  Custer's  whole  body  of  troops  had  been  together,  it 


Appendix  343 

is  most  probable  that  no  such  disaster  could  have  occurred.  Indeed, 
it  is  well  established  that,  at  the  inception  of  Custer's  attack,  the  In 
dians  began  packing  up  and  preparing  to  fly,  some  of  them  actually 
leaving  the  field;  and  possibly  the  signs  of  this  purpose,  which  Custer 
could  easily  observe  from  the  high  hills  he  was  on,  led  him  to  believe 
that  the  village  was  in  full  flight,  and  prompted  his  hasty  and  disas 
trous  attack  on  the  village  from  the  north.  Let  us  be  charitable  and 
tHlnk  so,  at  any  rate. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  here  to  quote  what  the  late  Lieut.  Gen. 
P.  H.  Sheridan  has  said  officially  on  this  subject: 

"Had  the  Seventh  Cavalry  been  kept  together  it  is  my  belief  it 
would  have  been  able  to  handle  the  Indians  on  the  Little  Big  Horn, 
and  under  any  circumstances  it  could  have  at  least  defended  itself; 
but  separated  as  it  was  into  three  detachments,  the  Indians  had 
largely  the  advantage,  in  addition  to  their  overwhelming  numbers." 

Custer  made  a  forced  march  and  hejd  to  the  Indian  trail  instead  of 
moving  still  southward,  and  this  brought  him  on  the  night  of  the  24th 
near  to  the  position  he  ought  to  have  occupied  on  the  morning  of  the 
26th,  and  at  least  thirty-six  hours  before  Gibbon  could  possibly  be 
expected  to  be  in  place.  The  fact  that  Custer  did  not  have  any  new 
information  concerning  the  hostile  Indians  when  he  began  forcing  the 
pace  is  put  beyond  question  by  Captain  Varnum,  his  chief  of  scouts. 

We  now  come  to  the  fight,  and  I  take  my  account  from  Captain 
(then  Lieutenant)  Godfrey,  who  commanded  Troop  K,  a  part  of  Ben- 
teen's  battalion;  from  Benteen  himself;  from  Colonel  Goldin,  late 
a  private  in  the  Seventh  Cavalry;  from  Gall,  one  of  the  principal  In 
dians  in  the  conflict;  from  Colonel  Hughes,  late  aide-de-camp  to 
eneral  Terry;  and  from  other  sources. 

It  was  well  known  to  the  Indians  that  the  troops  were  in  the  field, 
and  a  battle  was  fully  expected  by  them;  but  the  close  proximity  of  the 
column  was  not  known  to  them  until  the  morning  of  the  day  of  the 
battle.  Several  young  men  had  left  the  hostile  camp  on  that  morning 
to  go  to  one  of  the  agencies  in  Nebraska.  They  saw  the  dust  made  by 
the  column  of  troops;  some  of  their  number  returned  to  the  village 
and  gave  warning  that  the  troops  were  coming,  so  that  the  attack  was 
not  a  surprise. 

Just  before  starting  on  the  last  stage  of  the  march  which  ended 
in  the  fight,  troop  commanders  were  ordered  to  make  a  detail  of  one 
non-commissioned  officer  and  six  men  to  accompany  the  packs;  to  in 
spect  their  troops  and  report  as  soon  as  they  were  ready  to  march; 


344    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

that  the  troops  would  take  their  places  in  the  column  of  march  in  the 
order  in  which  reports  of  readiness  were  received,  and  that  the  last  one 
to  report  would  escort  the  pack-train.  This  was  an  order  already  in 
force,  but  was  reiterated. 

The  inspections  were  quickly  made  and  the  column  was  soon  en 
route  y  Benteen  in  advance,  as  he  was  first  to  report.  The  command 
passed  the  last  dividing  ridge  between  the  Rosebud  and  Little  Big  Horn 
valleys  a  little  before  noon.  The  regiment  had  already  been  divided 
into  battalions,  I  under  Major  Reno,  3  troops,  i  under  Colonel 
Benteen,  3  troops,  and  Custer  himself,  5  troops,  and  pack-train,  i 
troop. 

Benteen's  column  had  already  moved  out  and  was  several  miles 
away  when  the  rest  of  the  regiment  started. 

Major  Reno's  battalion  marched  down  a  valley  that  developed  into 
the  small  tributary  to  the  Little  Big  Horn,  now  called  Sundance,  or 
Benteen's  Creek.  The  Indian  trail  followed  the  meanderings  of  this 
valley.  Custer's  column  followed  Reno's  closely  and  several  hundred 
yards  to  the  right,  and  the  pack-train  followed  them  about  nine  miles 
behind.  Benteen's  battalion  was  ordered  to  the  left  and  front,  to  a  line 
of  high  bluffs  about  three  or  four  miles  distant.  Benteen  was  ordered  to 
send  word  if  he  saw  anything  to  Custer,  but  to  pitch  into  anything  he 
came  across;  if,  when  he  arrived  at  the  high  bluffs,  he  could  not  see 
any  enemy,  he  should  continue  his  march  to  the  next  line  of  bluffs,  and 
so  on,  until  he  could  reach  the  Little  Big  Horn  Valley.  He  marched  over 
a  succession  of  rough,  steep  hills  and  deep  valleys.  The  view  from  the 
point  where  the  regiment  was  organized  into  battalions  did  not  dis 
cover  the  difficult  nature  of  the  country,  but  as  it  advanced  farther  the 
terrane  became  more  and  more  difficult  and  more  forbidding. 

The  horses  were  greatly  jaded  by  the  climbing  and  descending, 
some  getting  far  to  the  rear  of  the  column.  Benteen  very  wisely  deter 
mined  to  follow  the  general  direction  of  the  rest  of  the  command,  and 
he  got  into  their  trail  just  in  advance  of  the  pack-train.  During  this 
march  on  the  left  he  could  occasionally  see  the  battalion  under  Custer, 
distinguished  by  the  troop  mounted  on  gray  horses,  marching  at  a 
rapid  gait. 

Some  time  before  getting  on  the  trail  Benteen  came  to  a  water  hole,  or 
morass,  at  which  a  stream  of  running  water  had  its  source.  He  halted 
the  battalion  and  watered  the  horses.  Just  as  he  was  leaving  the  water 
hole  the  pack-train  was  arriving,  and  the  poor  thirsty  mules  plunged 
into  the  morass  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  packers  to  prevent  them, 
for  they  had  not  had  water  since  the  previous  evening.  A  burning  tepee 


Appendix  345 

was  passed,  fired  presumably  by  the  Indian  scouts  of  the  command, 
in  which  was  the  body  of  a  warrior,  who,  as  was  afterward  learned, 
had  been  killed  in  the  battle  with  Crook's  troops,  on  the  Rosebud,  on 
the  i /th  of  June. 

The  battalions  under  Reno  and  Custer  did  not  meet  any  Indians 
until  Reno  arrived  at  the  burning  tepee;  here  a  few  were  seen.  These 
Indians  did  not  act  as  if  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  troops;  they 
made  no  effort  to  delay  the  column,  but  simply  kept  far  enough  in  ad 
vance  to  invite  pursuit.  Reno's  command  and  the  scouts  followed  them 
closely,  after  he  received  orders  "to  move  forward  at  as  rapid  a  gait 
as  he  thought  prudent,  and  charge  the  village  afterward,  and  the  whole 
outfit  would  support  him. "  This  order  was  received  when  Reno  was 
about  five  miles  from  the  Little  Big  Horn  River.  His  battalion  moved 
at  a  trot  to  the  river,  where  he  delayed  about  ten  or  fifteen  minutes, 
watering  the  horses  and  reforming  the  column  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
stream.  Reno  now  sent  word  to  Custer  that  he  had  everything  in  front 
of  him  and  that  the  enemy  was  strong.  Custer  had  moved  off  to  the 
right,  being  separated  from  Reno  by  a  line  of  high  bluffs  and  the  river. 
Reno  moved  forward  in  column  of  fours  about  half  a  mile,  then  formed 
the  battalion  in  line  of  battle  across  the  valley,  with  the  Indian  scouts 
on  the  left;  after  advancing  about  a  mile  farther,  he  deployed  the 
battalion  as  skirmishers.  In  the  meantime,  the  hostiles,  continually 
reinforced,  fell  back,  firing  occasionally,  but  made  no  decided  effort 
to  check  Reno's  advance.  The  horses  of  two  men  became  unmanage 
able  and  carried  them  into  the  Indian  camp.  The  Indians  now  de 
veloped  great  force,  opened  a  brisk  fire,  mounted,  and  made  a  dash 
toward  the  foot-hills  on  the  left  flank  where  the  Ree  scouts  were.  The 
scouts  ignominiously  fled,  most  of  them  abandoning  the  field  alto 
gether,  and  never  stopped  until  they  reached  the  supply  camp  at 
Powder  River,  nearly  170  miles  to  the  rear. 

Reno,  not  seeing  the  "whole  outfit"  within  supporting  distance, 
disobeyed  his  orders  to  charge  the  village;  he  dismounted  his  com 
mand  to  fight  on  foot.  The  movements  of  the  Indians  around  the  left 
flank  and  the  flight  of  the  scouts  caused  the  left  to  fall  back  until  the 
command  was  on  the  defensive  in  the  timber,  and  covered  by  the  bank 
of  the  old  river-bed.  Reno's  loss  thus  far  was  one  wounded,  and  the 
two  who  had  been  carried  into  the  Indian  camp  by  the  runaway  horses. 
The  position  was  a  strong  one,  well  protected  in  front  by  the  bank  and 
fringe  of  timber,  somewhat  open  in  the  rear,  but  sheltered  by  timber 
in  the  bottom.  Those  present  differ  in  their  estimates  of  the  length  of 
time  the  command  remained  in  the  bottom  after  they  were  attacked 


346    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  force.  Some  say  "A  few  minutes,"  others  "about  an  hour."  While 
Reno  remained  there  his  casualties  were  few.  The  hostiles  had  him 
nearly  surrounded,  and  there  was  some  firing  from  the  rear  of  the 
position  by  Indians  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  One  scout, 
"Bloody  Knife,"  was  killed  close  to  where  Reno  was,  and  directly 
afterward  Reno  gave  orders  to  those  near  him  to  "mount  and  get  to 
the  bluffs."  This  order  was  not  generally  heard  or  communicated; 
while  those  who  did  hear  it  were  preparing  to  execute  it,  he  counter 
manded  the  order,  but  soon  after  he  repeated  the  same  order,  "to 
mount  and  get  to  the  bluffs,"  and  again  it  was  not  generally  under 
stood.  Individuals,  observing  the  preparations  of  those  on  the  left, 
near  Reno,  informed  their  troop  commanders,  who  then  gave  orders 
to  mount.  Owing  to  the  noise  of  the  firing  and  to  the  absorbed  attention 
they  were  giving  the  enemy,  many  did  not  know  of  the  order  until 
too  late  to  accompany  the  command.  Some  remained  concealed  until 
the  Indians  left,  and  then  came  out.  Four  others  remained  until  night 
and  then  escaped.  Reno's  command  left  the  bottom  by  troop  organi 
zation  in  column.  Reno  was  the  foremost  in  this  retreat  or  "charge" 
as  he  termed  it  in  his  report.  The  hostile  strength  pushed  Reno's  re 
treat  to  the  left,  so  he  could  not  get  to  the  ford  where  he  had  entered 
the  valley,  but  they  were  fortunate  at  striking  the  river  at  a  fordable 
place;  a  pony  trail  led  up  a  funnel-shaped  ravine  into  the  bluffs.  Here 
the  command  got  jammed  and  lost  all  semblance  or  organization.  The 
Indians  fired  into  them,  but  not  very  effectively.  There  does  not  ap 
pear  to  have  been  any  resistance,  certainly  no  organized  resistance, 
during  this  retreat. 

Lieut.  Donald  Mclntosh  was  killed  soon  after  leaving  the  timber, 
Dr.  DeWolf  was  killed  while  climbing  one  of  the  bluffs  a  short 
distance  from  the  command.  Lieut.  B.  H.  Hodgson  was  wounded  in 
the  leg,  and  his  horse  was  killed.  He  took  hold  of  a  comrade's  stirrup 
and  was  carried  across  the  stream,  but  soon  afterward  was  shot  again 
and  killed.  During  the  retreat,  Private  Davern,  Troop  "F,"  had  a 
hand-to-hand  conflict  with  an  Indian;  his  horse  was  killed;  he  then 
shot  the  Indian,  caught  the  Indian's  pony,  and  rode  to  the  command. 

Reno's  casualties  thus  far  were,  3  officers  and  29  enlisted  men  and 
scouts  killed;  7  enlisted  men  wounded;  and  i  officer,  i  interpreter, 
and  14  soldiers  and  scouts  missing.  Nearly  all  the  casualties  occurred 
during  the  retreat  and  after  leaving  the  timber.  The  Ree  scouts,  as 
already  stated,  continued  their  flight  until  they  reached  the  supply 
camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  Powder;  the  Crow  scouts  remained  with  the 
command. 


Appendix  34.7 

We  will  now  go  back  to  Benteen's  battalion.  Not  long  after  leaving 
the  water  hole,  a  sergeant  met  him  with  an  order  from  Custer  to  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  pack-train  to  hurry  it  up.  The  sergeant 
was  sent  back  to  the  train  with  the  message;  as  he  passed  the  column 
he  said  to  the  men,  "We've  got  'em,  boys."  From  this  and  other  re 
marks  it  was  inferred  that  Custer  had  attacked  and  captured  the 
village. 

Shortly  afterward  the  command  was  met  by  an  orderly,  bearing  this 
message,  signed  by  Colonel  Cooke,  Adjutant:  "Benteen,  come  on. 
Big  village.  Be  quick.  Bring  packs,"  with  the  postscript,  "Bring 
packs."  The  column  had  been  marching  at  a  trot  and  walk,  according 
as  the  ground  was  smooth  or  broken.  Firing  was  heard;  the  valley 
was  full  of  horsemen  riding  to  and  fro  in  clouds  of  dust  and  smoke, 
for  the  grass  had  been  fired  by  the  Indians,  to  drive  the  troops  out  and 
cover  their  own  movements.  On  the  bluffs  to  the  right  was  seen  a  body 
of  troops,  and  they  were  engaged.  But  an  engagement  appeared  to  be 
going  on  in  the  valley,  too.  Owing  to  the  distance,  smoke,  and  dust,  it 
was  impossible  to  distinguish  if  those  in  the  valley  were  friends  or  foes. 
Benteen  ordered  his  battalion  to  dismount  and  deploy  as  skirmishers 
on  the  edge  of  the  bluffs  overlooking  the  valley,  and  his  timely  arrival 
probably  saved  Reno's  command  from  annihilation,  for  very  soon 
after  this  the  Indians  withdrew  from  the  attack. 

Benteen's  battalion  was  ordered  to  divide  its  ammunition  with 
Reno's  men,  who  had  apparently  expended,  but  probably  lost,  nearly 
all  in  their  personal  possession. 

While  waiting  for  the  ammunition  pack-mules,  Major  Reno  con 
cluded  to  make  an  effort  to  recover  and  bury  the  body  of  Lieutenant 
Hodgson.  At  the  same  time  he  loaded  up  a  few  men  with  canteens  to 
get  water  for  the  command;  they  were  to  accompany  the  rescuing 
party.  The  effort  was  futile;  the  party  was  ordered  back  after  being 
fired  upon  by  some  Indians  who  doubtless  were  scalping  the  dead  near 
the  foot  of  the  bluffs. 

At  this  time  there  were  a  large  number  of  horsemen,  Indians,  in  the 
valley  —  at  least  1 ,000,  says  Benteen.  Suddenly  they  all  started  down 
the  valley,  and  in  a  few  minutes  scarcely  one  was  to  be  seen.  During 
this  time  the  questions  were  being  asked:  "What's  the  matter  with 
Custer,  that  he  doesn't  send  word  what  we  shall  do  ?"  "Wonder  what 
we  are  staying  here  for  ?"  etc.,  thus  showing  some  uneasiness;  but 
still  no  one  seemed  to  show  great  anxiety,  nor  did  any  one  feel  any 
serious  apprehension  but  that  Custer  could  and  would  take  care  of 
himself.  Some  of  Reno's  men  had  seen  a  party  of  Custer's  command, 


348    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

including  Custer  himself,  on  the  bluffs  about  the  time  the  Indians  be 
gan  to  develop  in  Reno's  front.  This  party  was  heard  to  cheer,  and 
seen  to  wave  their  hats  as  if  to  give  encouragement,  and  then  they  dis 
appeared  behind  the  hills,  or  at  any  rate,  escaped  further  attention 
from  those  below.  It  was  about  the  time  of  this  incident  that  Trumpeter 
Martini  left  Cooke  with  Custer's  last  orders  to  Benteen. 

During  a  long  time  after  the  junction  of  Reno  and  Benteen,  firing 
was  heard  down  the  river  in  the  direction  of  Custer's  command.  All 
were  satisfied  that  Custer  was  fighting  the  Indians  somewhere,  and 
the  conviction  was  expressed  that  "our  command  ought  to  be  doing 
something  or  Custer  would  be  after  Reno  with  a  sharp  stick. " 

Captain  Weir  and  Lieutenant  Edgerly,  after  driving  the  Indians 
away  from  Reno's  command  on  their  side,  heard  the  firing,  became 
impatient  at  the  delay,  and  thought  they  would  move  down  that  way. 
Weir  started  in  person,  without  orders  and  without  permission,  to  take 
a  survey  from  the  high  bluffs  to  the  front.  Edgerly  seeing  Weir  going 
in  the  direction  of  the  firing,  supposed  it  was  all  right  and  started  down 
the  ravine  with  the  troop.  Weir  from  the  high  point  saw  Indians  in 
large  numbers  start  for  Edgerly,  and  signaled  for  him  to  change  his 
direction,  and  Edgerly  went  over  to  the  high  point,  where  they  re 
mained,  not  seriously  molested,  until  the  remainder  of  the  troops 
marched  down  there.  He  was,  however,  soon  attacked  in  force,  and 
Benteen  moved  forward  with  the  rest  of  his  battalion  and  rescued  him 
from  his  perilous  position. 

McDougall  came  up  with  the  pack-train,  and  reported  the  firing 
when  he  reported  his  arrival  to  Reno.  It  was  twenty  minutes  past  four. 
It  was  about  this  time  that  thirteen  men  and  a  scout  named  Hender 
son  rejoined  the  command;  they  had  been  missing  since  Reno's  fight 
from  the  bottom;  several  of  them  were  wounded.  These  men  had  lost 
their  horses  in  the  stampede  from  the  bottom,  and  had  remained  in 
the  timber;  when  leaving  the  timber  to  rejoin  they  were  fired  upon 
by  five  Indians,  but  they  drove  them  away  and  were  not  again 
molested. 

It  was  about  half  past  two  when  Benteen  joined  Reno.  About  5 
o'clock  the  command  moved  a  short  distance  down  toward  Custer's 
supposed  whereabouts,  intending  to  join  him.  The  advance  went 
as  far  as  the  high  bluffs,  where  the  command  was  halted.  On  the  left 
of  the  valley  a  strange  sight  attracted  their  attention.  Some  one  re 
marked  that  there  had  been  a  fire  that  scorched  the  leaves  of  the  bushes, 
which  caused  the  reddish  brown  appearance,  but  this  appearance  was 
changeable.  Watching  this  intently  for  a  short  time  with  field-glasses, 


Appendix  349 

it  was  discovered  that  this  strange  sight  was  the  immense  pony  herds 
of  the  Indians.  The  number  of  ponies  in  this  camp  at  this  time  is 
estimated  at  from  30,000  to  50,000. 

Looking  toward  Ouster's  field,  on  a  hill  two  miles  away  was  seen  a 
large  assemblage.  At  first  the  command  did  not  appear  to  attract  their 
attention,  although  there  was  some  commotion  observable  among 
those  nearer  to  its  position.  Occasional  shots  were  heard,  most  of 
which  seemed  to  be  a  great  distance  off,  beyond  the  large  group  on 
the  hill.  While  watching  this  group,  the  conclusion  was  arrived  at  that 
Custer  had  been  repulsed,  and  the  firing  was  the  parting  shots  of  the 
rear-guard.  The  firing  ceased,  the  groups  dispersed,  clouds  of  dust 
rose  from  all  parts  of  the  field,  and  the  horsemen  converged  toward 
Reno's  position.  The  command  was  now  dismounted  to  fight  on 
foot. 

Weir's  and  French's  troops  were  posted  on  the  high  bluffs  and  to  the 
front  of  them;  Godfrey's  troop  along  the  crest  of  the  bluffs  next  to  the 
river;  the  rest  of  the  command  moved  to  the  rear  to  occupy  other  points 
in  the  vicinity,  and  to  take  a  good  defensive  position.  At  this  time 
Weir's  and  French's  troops  were  being  attacked.  The  led  horses  were 
sent  to  the  main  command.  The  fire  in  a  short  time  compelled  the  In 
dians  to  halt  and  take  cover,  but  before  this  was  accomplished  a  sec 
ond  order  came  to  fall  back  as  quickly  as  possible  to  the  main  com 
mand.  Having  checked  the  pursuit  the  retreat  was  begun,  slowly  at 
first,  but  keeping  up  the  firing.  After  proceeding  some  distance  the 
men  began  to  group  together  and  to  move  a  little  faster  and  faster, 
and  the  fire  slackened.  This  was  pretty  good  evidence  that  they  were 
getting  demoralized.  The  Indians  were  being  heavily  reinforced,  and 
began  to  come  from  their  cover,  but  kept  up  a  heavy  fire.  The  line 
was  halted,  the  men  were  made  to  take  their  intervals,  and  again  drove 
the  Indians  to  cover;  then  once  more  began  the  retreat.  The  firing  of 
the  Indians  was  very  heavy;  the  bullets  struck  the  ground  all  about; 
but  the  "ping-ping"  of  the  bullets  overhead  seemed  to  have  a  more 
terrifying  influence  than  the  "swish-thud"  of  the  bullets  that  struck 
the  ground  near  by. 

The  Indians,  having  taken  possession  of  all  the  surrounding  high 
points,  opened  a  heavy  fire;  they  had  in  the  meantime  sent  a  large  force 
up  the  valley,  and  soon  the  troops  were  entirely  surrounded  by  the 
enemy.  It  was  now  about  7  o'clock  P.M.  The  firing  continued  until 
nearly  dark  (between  nine  and  ten  o'clock). 

Of  course  everybody  was  wondering  about  Custer,  why  he  did 
not  communicate  by  courier  or  signal.  But  the  general  opinion 


35°    Northwestern   Fights  and   Fighters 

seemed  to  prevail  that  he  had  been  defeated  and  driven  down  the 
river,  where  he  would  probably  join  General  Terry,  and  with  whom 
he  would  return  to  Reno's  relief.  Quite  frequently,  too,  the  ques 
tion,  "What's  the  matter  with  Custer  ?"  would  evoke  an  impatient 
reply. 

It  has  been  previously  noted  that  General  Custer  separated  from 
Reno  before  the  latter  crossed  the  Little  Big  Horn  under  orders  to 
charge  the  village.  Custer's  column  bore  to  the  right  of  the  river.  A 
ridge  of  high  bluffs  and  the  river  separated  the  two  commands,  and 
they  could  not  see  each  other.  On  this  ridge,  however,  Custer  and  staff 
were  seen  to  wave  their  hats,  and  heard  to  cheer  just  as  Reno  was 
beginning  the  attack;  but  Custer's  troops  were  at  that  time  two  miles 
or  more  to  his  right.  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  trumpeter  was  sent 
back  with  Custer's  last  orders  to  Benteen,  the  last  white  man  from 
Custer's  column. 

When  Reno's  advance  was  checked  and  his  left  began  to  fall  back, 
Chief  Gall  started  with  some  of  his  warriors  to  cut  off  Reno's  retreat 
to  the  bluffs.  On  his  way  he  was  excitedly  hailed  by  "Iron  Cedar," 
one  of  his  warriors,  who  was  on  the  high  point,  to  hurry  to  him,  that 
more  soldiers  were  coming.  This  was  the  first  intimation  the  Indians 
had  of  Custer's  immediate  column;  up  to  the  time  of  this  incident  they 
had  supposed  that  all  the  troops  were  in  Reno's  attack.  Custer  had 
then  crossed  the  valley  of  the  dry  creek,  and  was  marching  along 
and  well  up  the  slope  of  the  bluff  forming  the  second  ridge  back 
from  the  river,  and  nearly  parallel  to  it.  The  command  was  march 
ing  rapidly  in  column  of  fours,  and  there  was  some  confusion  in  the 
ranks,  due  probably  to  the  unmanageableness  of  some  excited 
horses. 

The  accepted  theory  for  many  years  after  the  battle,  and  still  persisted 
in  by  some  writers,  was  that  Custer's  column  had  turned  the  high 
bluffs  near  the  river,  moved  down  the  dry  (Reno's)  creek,  and  at 
tempted  to  ford  the  river  at  the  lowest  point  of  these  bluffs;  that  he 
was  there  met  by  an  overpowering  force  and  driven  back;  that  he  then 
divided  his  battalion,  moved  down  the  river  with  the  view  of  attacking 
the  village,  but  met  with  such  resistance  from  the  enemy  posted  along 
the  river-bank  and  ravines  that  he  was  compelled  to  fall  back,  fighting, 
to  the  position  on  the  ridge.  The  numerous  bodies  found  scattered 
between  the  river  and  ridge  were  supposed  to  be  the  first  victims  of  the 
fight.  I  am  now  satisfied  that  these  were  the  men  who  either  survived 
those  on  the  ridge,  or  attempted  to  escape  the  massacre. 

The  Indians  state  that;  Custer's  column  was  never  nearer  the  river 


Appendix  351 

or  village  than  his  final  position  on  the  ridge.  On  the  battle-field,  in 
1886,  Chief  Gall  indicated  Ouster's  route  to  me,  and  it  was  on  the  high 
ridge  east  or  back  of  the  field. 

The  ford  theory  arose  from  the  fact  that  there  were  found  there 
numerous  tracks  of  shod  horses,  but  they  evidently  had  been  made 
after  the  Indians  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  cavalry  horses, 
for  they  rode  them  after  capturing  them.  No  bodies  of  men  or 
horses  were  found  anywhere  near  the  ford,  and  these  facts  are  con 
clusive  to  my  mind  that  Custer  did  not  go  to  the  ford  with  any 
body  of  men. 

As  soon  as  Gall  had  personally  confirmed  Iron  Cedar's  report,  he 
sent  word  to  the  warriors  battling  against  Reno,  and  to  the  people  in 
the  village.  The  greatest  consternation  prevailed  among  the  families, 
and  orders  were  given  for  them  to  leave  at  once.  Before  they  could  do 
so,  the  great  bodies  of  warriors  had  left  Reno  and  hastened  to  attack 
Custer.  This  explains  how  Reno  was  not  pushed  when  so  much  confu 
sion  at  the  river  crossing  gave  the  Indians  every  opportunity  of  anni 
hilating  his  command. 

Not  long  after  the  Indians  began  to  show  a  strong  force  in  Custer's 
front,  Custer  turned  his  column  to  the  left  and  advanced  in  the  direction 
of  the  village  to  near  a  place  marked  as  a  spring,  halted  at  the  junction 
of  the  ravines  just  below  it,  and  dismounted  two  troops,  Keogh's  and 
Calhoun's,  to  fight  on  foot.  These  two  troops  advanced  at  double  time 
to  a  knoll,  now  marked  by  Crittenden's  monument.  The  other  three 
troops,  mounted,  followed  them  a  short  distance  in  their  rear.  The  led 
horses  remained  where  the  troops  dismounted.  When  Keogh  and  Cal- 
houn  got  to  the  knoll  the  other  troops  marched  rapidly  to  the  right; 
Smith's  troop  deployed  as  skirmishers,  mounted,  and  took  position  on 
a  ridge,  which,  on  Smith's  left,  ended  in  Keogh's  position  (now  marked 
by  Crittenden's  monument),  and,  on  Smith's  right,  ended  at  the  hill 
on  which  Custer  took  position  with  Yates  and  Tom  Custer's  troops, 
now  known  as  Custer's  Hill,  and  marked  by  the  monument  erected 
to  the  command.  Smith's  skirmishers,  holding  their  gray  horses,  re 
mained  in  groups  of  fours. 

The  line  occupied  by  Custer's  battalion  was  the  first  considerable 
ridge  back  from  the  river,  the  nearest  point  being  about  a  mile  from  it. 
His  front  was  extended  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile.  The  whole  village 
was  in  full  view.  A  hundred  yards  from  his  line  was  another  but 
lower  ridge,  the  farther  slope  of  which  was  not  commanded  by  this 
line.  It  was  here  that  the  Indians  under  Crazy  Horse,  from  the  lower 
part  of  the  village,  among  whom  were  the  Cheyennes,  formed  for  the 


352    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

charge  on  Custer's  hill.  All  bodies  of  Indians  had  now  left  Reno.  Gall 
collected  his  warriors,  and  moved  up  a  ravine  south  of  Keogh  and  Cal- 
houn.  As  they  were  turning  this  flank  they  discovered  the  led  horses 
without  any  other  guard  than  the  horse  holders.  They  opened  fire  upon 
the  horse  holders,  and  used  the  usual  devices  to  stampede  the  horses  — 
that  is,  yelling,  waving  blankets,  etc.;  in  this  they  succeeded  very 
soon,  and  the  horses  were  caught  up  by  the  squaws.  In  this  disaster 
Keogh  and  Calhoun  probably  lost  their  reserve  ammunition,  which 
was  carried  in  the  saddle-bags.  Gall's  warriors  now  moved  to  the  foot 
of  the  knoll  held  by  Calhoun.  A  large  force  dismounted  and  advanced 
up  the  slope  far  enough  to  be  able  to  see  the  soldiers  when  standing 
erect,  but  were  protected  when  squatting  or  lying  down.  By  jumping 
up  and  firing  quickly,  they  exposed  themselves  only  for  an  instant, 
but  drew  the  fire  of  the  soldiers,  causing  a  waste  of  ammunition.  In 
the  meantime  Gall  was  massing  his  mounted  warriors  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  slope.  When  everything  was  in  readiness,  at  a  signal 
from  Gall  the  dismounted  warriors  rose,  fired,  and  every  Indian 
gave  voice  to  the  war-whoop;  the  mounted  Indians  put  whip  to 
their  ponies,  and  the  whole  mass  rushed  upon  and  crushed  Calhoun. 
The  maddened  mass  of  Indians  was  carried  forward  by  its  own 
momentum  over  Calhoun  and  Crittenden  down  into  the  depression 
where  Keogh  was,  with  over  thirty  men,  and  all  was  over  on  that 
part  of  the  field. 

In  the  meantime  the  same  tactics  were  being  pursued  and  executed 
around  Custer's  Hill.  The  warriors,  under  the  leadership  of  "Crow 
King,"  "Crazy  Horse,"  "White  Bull,"  "Hump,"  and  others,  moved 
up  the  ravine  west  of  Custer's  Hill,  and  concentrated  under  the  shelter 
of  the  ridges  on  his  right  flank  and  back  of  his  position.  Gall's  bloody 
work  was  finished  in  a  few  moments,  and  the  annihilation  of  Custer 
was  accomplished;  the  frightful  massacre  was  completed. 

Smith's  men  had  disappeared  from  the  ridge,  but  not  without 
leaving  enough  dead  bodies  to  mark  their  line.  About  twenty-eight 
bodies  of  men  belonging  to  this  troop  and  other  organizations  were 
found  in  one  ravine  near  the  river.  Many  corpses  were  found  scat 
tered  over  the  field  between  Custer's  line  of  defense,  the  river,  and  in 
the  direction  of  Reno's  Hill.  These,  doubtless,  were  of  men  who  had 
attempted  to  escape;  some  of  them  may  have  been  sent  as  couriers 
by  Custer.  This  part  of  the  fight  only  lasted  thirty  or  thirty-five 
minutes.  (One,  however,  escaped  —  blew  out  his  own  brains;  sixteen 
escaped  to  the  mountains,  were  followed  and  killed.) 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  firing  going  on  over  the  field  after  the 


Appendix  353 

fight,  by  the  young  men  and  boys  riding  about  and  shooting  into  the 
dead  bodies;  the  heads  of  most  of  the  dead  were  crushed  in,  and 
pounded  almost  to  a  jelly  by  the  stone  hammers  in  the  hands  of  the 
squaws,  who  thronged  to  the  scene  of  carnage  as  soon  as  the  last  soldier 
was  dead,  for  the  purpose  of  mutilating  the  dead  bodies  and  of  securing 
plunder,  of  which  there  was  plenty. 

This  all  happened  on  Sunday,  June  25th.  On  Monday  morning, 
long  before  light,  the  Indians  began  again  their  attack  on  Reno's 
position.  During  the  night  the  troops  had  been  busy  throwing  up  in- 
trenchments,  securing  water,  attending  to  the  wounded,  etc.,  etc.; 
so  when  the  attack  was  begun  on  Monday  they  were  far  better  pre 
pared  for  it  than  might  have  been  supposed.  The  fighting  was  fast 
and  furious,  so  far  as  the  use  of  ammunition  was  concerned,  but  there 
were  comparatively  few  casualties.  The  fighting  lasted  until  nearly 
noon.  In  the  meantime  the  Indians  had  fired  the  grass  and  the  timber, 
and  nothing  could  be  seen  at  any  distance  on  account  of  the  smoke. 
Shortly  after  the  firing  ceased  the  smoke  lifted  sufficiently  to  show  the 
whole  camp  filing  past  Reno's  beleaguered  hill,  with  strong  bodies  on 
flank  and  in  rear,  to  protect  the  column  from  possible  charges  by  the 
soldiers.  It  took  the  camp  from  five  to  eight  hours  to  march  past.  One 
can  well  imagine  from  this  the  number  of  souls  present  in  this,  the 
largest  camp  known  of  on  the  American  continent. 

The  rest  of  the  day  was  given  up  by  the  troops  to  attending  to  ex 
hausted  nature,  making  better  security  for  another  possible  attack, 
etc.,  for  it  seemed  hardly  possible  that  the  victory-flushed  host  of 
hostiles  would  leave  this  handful  of  soldiers,  after  having  made  such  a 
successful  fight  the  day  before. 

Tuesday  morning,  June  27th,  the  command  enjoyed  the  pleasure 
of  a  square  meal,  and  had  stock  properly  cared  for.  The  commanding 
officer  seemed  to  think  the  Indians  had  some  "trap"  set,  and  required 
the  men  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  occupy  the  pits  at  a  mo 
ment's  notice.  Nothing  seemed  determined,  except  to  stay  where  they 
were.  Not  an  Indian  was  in  sight,  but  a  few  ponies  were  seen  grazing 
down  in  the  valley. 

About  9.30  A.M.  a  cloud  of  dust  was  observed  several  miles  down 
the  river.  A  white  man  soon  came  up  with  a  note  from  General  Terry, 
addressed  to  General  Custer,  dated  June  26th,  stating  that  two  of  the 
Crow  scouts  had  given  information  that  Ouster's  column  had  been 
whipped  and  nearly  all  had  been  killed;  that  he  did  not  believe  their 
story,  but  was  coming  with  medical  assistance.  The  scout  said  that  he 
could  not  get  to  the  lines  the  night  before,  as  the  Indians  were  on  the 


354    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

alert.  Very  soon  after  this  Lieutenant  Bradley,  Seventh  Infantry, 
came  to  the  lines,  and  reported  the  death  of  Custer  and  196  men.  The 
shattered  remnants  of  the  command  were  simply  dumfoundered.  This 
was  the  first  intimation  it  had  had  of  his  fate.  It  was  hard  to  realize;  it 
did  not  seem  possible. 

General  Terry  and  staff  and  officers  of  General  Gibbon's  column 
soon  after  approached,  and  their  coming  was  greeted  with  prolonged 
cheers. 

During  the  rest  of  that  day  all  were  busy  collecting  effects  and  des 
troying  surplus  property.  The  wounded  were  cared  for  and  taken  to 
the  camp  of  the  Montana  column. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  three  days  after  the  fight,  the  troops 
left  the  intrenchments  to  bury  the  dead  of  Custer's  command.  The 
morning  was  bright,  and  from  the  high  bluffs  they  had  a  clear  view 
of  Custer's  battle-field.  They  saw  a  large  number  of  objects  that  looked 
like  white  boulders  scattered  over  the  field.  Glasses  were  brought  into 
requisition,  and  it  was  announced  that  these  objects  were  dead  bodies. 
Captain  Weir  exclaimed,  "Oh,  how  white  they  look!" 

All  the  bodies  except  a  few  were  stripped  of  their  clothing.  Nearly 
all  were  scalped  or  mutilated,  but  there  was  one  notable  exception, 
that  of  General  Custer,  whose  face  and  expression  were  natural;  he 
had  been  shot  in  the  temple  and  in  the  left  side.  Many  faces  had  a 
pained,  almost  terrified  expression.  It  is  said  that  Rain-in-the-face,  a 
Sioux  warrior,  has  gloried  that  he  had  cut  out  and  eaten  the  heart  and 
liver  of  one  of  the  officers.  This  I  can  hardly  believe,  for  Benteen 
told  me  that  when  Rain-in-the-face  saw  Custer's  body,  he  went  to 
it,  shook  the  right  hand  of  the  poor  dead  body,  and  said,  "My  poor 
friend."  It  was  this  same  Rain-in-the-face  that  prevented  Custer's 
body  from  being  mutilated.  Other  bodies  were  mutilated  in  a  dis 
gusting  manner.  The  bodies  of  Dr.  Lord  and  Lieutenants  Porter, 
Harrington  and  Sturgis  were  not  found,  at  least  not  recognized.  After 
ward  bodies  taken  for  all  but  Harrington  were  recognized,  for  the 
Army  Register  of  1877  reports  only  his  as  missing. 

The  clothing  of  Porter  and  Sturgis  was  found  in  the  village,  and 
showed  that  they  had  been  killed;  212  bodies  were  buried  on  the 
Custer  field.  The  killed  of  the  entire  command  was  270,  including  5 
civilians,  relatives,  newspaper  reporters,  and  I  scout,  Charley  Rey 
nolds;  and  of  wounded  there  were  52.  The  only  living  thing  found  on 
the  Custer  battle-field  was  Comanche,  a  troop  horse,  who  was  and 
still  is  cared  for  by  the  regiment.  He  is  never  ridden,  but  is  always  led 
out  to  all  parades  of  the  regiment. 


Appendix  355 

Godfrey  concludes  his  narrative  thus: 

"The  question  has  often  been  asked,  'What  were  the  causes  of 
Custer's  defeat  ?'  I  should  say: 

"  First :  The  overpowering  numbers  of  the  enemy  and  their  unex 
pected  cohesion. 

"  Second :  Reno's  panic  rout  from  the  valley. 

"  Third:  The  defective  extraction  of  the  empty  cartridge  shells  from 
the  carbines. " 

Personally,  I  disagree  entirely  with  the  Captain  in  his  con 
clusion,  and  give  my  own  views  as  follows : 

The  causes  of  Custer's  overwhelming  defeat  were: 

First:          Disobedience  of  orders  in  bringing  on  the  fight  thirty-six 

hours  ahead  of  time. 
Second:      Separating  his   command   into   four  columns,  neither  of 

which  was  within  supporting  distance  of  each  other. 
Third:        His  failure  to  believe  that  the  Indians  would  make  a  bold 

attack. 

Custer's  force  was  abundant  to  have  enabled  him  to  obey  his  or 
ders. 

It  was  not  ample,  as  Terry  had  foreseen,  to  meet  a  contingency  not 
contemplated,  and  which  could  not  have  arisen  had  his  orders  been 
adhered  to.  We  need  go  no  farther  than  the  story  of  what  occurred 
after  the  annihilation  of  Custer  to  make  it  perfectly  clear  that  his  force 
was  ample  for  all  that  he  was  instructed  to  do.  This  may  be  very 
briefly  stated.  Reno's  attack  was  a  miserable  failure,  ending  in  a  dis 
orderly  rout  and  a  scramble  for  the  hills,  where  the  cool  head  and 
noted  courage  of  Benteen  saved  the  two  battalions  from  a  disaster 
even  greater  than  had  occurred  to  Custer. 

After  sweeping  Custer's  five  troops  from  the  field,  and  encouraged 
by  the  victory  over  Reno  in  his  attack  on  the  upper  part  of  the  village, 
the  Indians  swarmed  down  upon  the  now  assembled  force  in  almost 
overwhelming  numbers,  evidently  confident  that  it  was  a  question  of 
only  a  short  time  when  it  too  would  have  to  submit  to  the  fate  which 
had  befallen  the  other.  But  it  was  not  to  be.  Benteen  was  there;  the 
remnant  held  its  own,  without  water,  without  rest,  without  sleep,  until 


356    Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

Gibbon's  command  came  in  sight,  when  the  whole  Indian  force  aban 
doned  the  field. 

The  gist  of  the  plan  for  the  campaign,  as  already  stated,  was  to 
direct  the  movements  of  the  two  columns  (Gibbon's  and  Ouster's)  in 
such  a  way  that  if  the  Indians  fled  they  could  not  escape  to  the  south 
east  without  being  driven  upon  Crook;  they  could  not  go  to  westward 
because  they  were  already  near  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Big  Horn 
River,  and  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  territory  of  the  Crow  Nation, 
with  whom  they  were  in  open  hostility;  northward  they  would  be  met 
by  Gibbon,  and  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  lie  to  the  southward,  in 
which  they  could  not  have  maintained  themselves  for  any  considerable 
time  if  they  once  permitted  themselves  to  be  cooped  up  in  them. 

If  they  made  a  stand,  the  purpose  is  clearly  set  forth  in  Terry's 
report;  Custer  was  to  keep  on  the  southward  (after  determining  where 
the  trail  led),  for  the  double  purpose  of  intercepting  flight  if  it  should 
be  attempted,  but  above  all  so  to  maneuver  his  strategic  column  as  to 
give  time  for  Gibbon's  column  to  come  up.  This  plan  was  founded  on 
the  belief  that  the  two  columns  might  be  brought  into  cooperating 
distance  of  each  other.  Or,  as  Gibbon  states  in  his  letter  of  November 
6th,  previously  referred  to : 

"I  saw  Custer  depart  on  the  22nd,  with  his  fine  regiment  fully  im 
pressed  with  the  conviction  that  our  chief  aim  should  be  to  so  move 
that  whatever  force  might  be  on  the  Little  Big  Horn  should  not  escape 
us.  And  it  was  fully  understood  between  us  that  to  give  my  troops  time 
to  come  up,  and  to  guard  against  escape  of  the  Indians  to  the  south,  he 
should  keep  constantly  feeling  to  his  left." 

The  Indians  had  given  ample  proof  in  the  affairs  with  Crook  that 
they  would  make  a  good,  stand-up  fight.  They  were  in  numbers,  as 
Gaul  expressed  it  in  my  hearing,  "like  the  grass  that  comes  up  in  the 
spring."  They  were  well  armed,  and  had  plenty  of  ammunition.  Fight 
they  would,  and  fight  they  did,  inflicting  a  defeat  which  our  army  will 
never  forget. 

I  close  with  a  remark  made  by  Sitting  Bull  while  in  the  British 
Possessions,  and  referring  to  Custer's  attack:  "They  tell  you  I  mur 
dered  Custer.  It  is  a  lie.  I  am  not  a  war  chief.  I  was  not  in  the  battle 
that  day.  His  eyes  were  blinded  that  he  could  not  see.  He  was  a  fool  and 
rode  to  his  death.  He  made  the  fight,  not  I." 


Appendix  357 

NOTE  BY  GENERAL  GODFREY 

In  reading  over  the  testimony  of  Interpreter  Girard,  I  notice  he 
makes  the  important  statement  that  Ouster's  orders  to  the  scouts  were 
that  they  must  follow  any  trail  that  led  to  the  left,  no  matter  how  small. 
This  was  on  the  night  march,  June  24th.  To  show  further  care  in  this 
matter,  Varnum  states  that  at  a  halt  on  the  march  of  the  24th,  I  re 
ported  to  the  General  that  I  had  seen  a  small  trail  leading  to  the  left 
some  miles  back  on  the  trail,  but  had  only  followed  it  far  enough  to 
see  that  it  led  up  a  ravine  some  distance.  He  was  asked  if  the  scouts 
had  made  any  report  of  it.  On  learning  that  they  had  not,  the  General 
was  angry  at  the  neglect  to  investigate  by  the  scouts  and  he  ordered 
Varnum  to  go  back  and  investigate  and  report  at  once.  It  was  found 
that  it  led  up  the  ravine  some  distance,  then  over  the  prairie  and  then 
down  into  the  valley  to  the  main  trail  again.  The  incident  had  escaped 
my  memory.  This  shows  that  there  was  no  intention  of  letting  the 
Indians  escape  by  the  left  flank. 


Ill 

LETTER    FROM   COLONEL    EWERT    REGARDING 

GENERAL  CUSTER 
DEAR  DR.  BRADY: 

I  have  read  your  articles  in  "Indian  Fights  and  Fighters"  with 
much  interest,  which  may  be  expl  ined  by  the  fact  that  I  served  out 
West  in  the  regular  army  186  -70;  1871-76  and  1878-83;  the  first 
period  in  the  Thirty-sixth  and  Seventh  Infantry  in  Wyoming  and 
Utah;  the  second  in  the  Seventh  Cavalry  in  Tennessee,  Dakota  and 
Montana,  and  the  third  in  the  Fifth  Infantry  mounted  on  Indian 
ponies  a  part  of  the  time),  in  Montana  and  Dakota. 

The  articles  relating  to  the  Seventh  Cavalry  are,  of  course,  of  para 
mount  interest,  as  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  nearly  every 
officer  and  enlisted  man  in  the  regim  nt,  and  was  with  the  com 
mand  in  both  1873  an(^  J8/4  expeditions. 

I  write  this  letter  to  inquire  why  you  elaborate  the  little  skirmish  of 
August  4,  1873,  and  foil  to  mention  the  all-day  fight  of  August  nth 
on  the  Yellowstone  three  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn,  in 
which  Lieutenant  Braden  was  severely  wounded,  and  Tuttle,  Troop 
E,  killed  ?  Custer  left  Stanley  on  the  evening  of  August  8th,  with  ten 


358    Northwestern  Fights  and   Fighters 

troops  of  his  regiment,  to  follow  a  large,  well-defined  trail  of  about 
600  Sioux  hostiles.  We  rode  all  night  and  (excepting  two  short 
rests)  all  day  on  the  Qth.  On  the  evening  of  the  gth  we  arrived  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  river  and  found  the  trail  leading  into  the  stream. 
Indian  scouts,  swimming  across,  established  the  fact  that  the  hostiles 
had  crossed  to  the  south  bank  and  thence,  as  General  Custer  believed, 
over  into  the  Valley  of  the  Big  Horn. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth  Custer  forded  a  small  branch  of  the 
river  on  to  a  good-sized  sand  bar  with  the  entire  command,  and  from 
there  endeavored  to  float  our  rations  and  ammunition  across  on  a  raft 
built  during  the  previous  night.  The  swift  current  prevented  the  raft 
reaching  the  south  bank,  although  every  exertion  was  made  to  have 
it  do  so,  so  that  finally  Custer  ordered  the  troops  back  to  their  camp 
of  the  previous  night.  Now,  it  was  understood  in  the  command  that 
General  Stanley  had  positively  instructed  General  Custer  not  to  cross 
the  river  under  any  circumstances,  yet  here,  in  spite  of  this  positive 
order  the  subaltern,  on  August  loth,  endeavored  by  all  the  means  at 
his  command  to  disobey  the  superior.  I  mention  this  to  show  that  your 
deductions  as  to  deliberate  intent  to  disobey  Terry  in  1876  had  a 
parallel  in  1873,  with  General  Stanley. 

While  trying  to  cross  the  Yellowstone  on  the  loth  approximately 
1,200  Indians  were  lying  in  the  bluffs  on  the  other  side,  no  doubt 
imploring  the  Great  Spirit  to  permit  us  to  cross  over,  as  the  exter 
mination  of  our  command,  thus  hemmed  in  between  the  bluffs  and 
the  river,  would  have  been  mere  play  for  the  Reds.  The  Indians,  be 
lieving  that  we  had  abandoned  the  plan  of  crossing,  attacked  us  at 
daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  nth.  We  were  now  fighting  on  the 
defensive,  all  the  men  being  hid  under  the  face  of  the  bluff,  and  in 
firing  only  required  to  expose  head  and  shoulders,  and  yet,  in  spite  of 
this  advantage,  we  were  kept  busy  and  never  out  of  danger  of  ultimate 
defeat,  until  about  four  o'clock  P.M.,  when  General  Stanley  arrived 
with  his  infantry  and  a  3-inch  Rodman.  Then  the  Indians  ran  for  the 
Big  Horn  Valley  and  disappeared  from  our  view  for  the  remainder 
of  the  summer. 

I  was  First  Sergeant  in  H  Troop  (Captain  Benteen's)  and  left  the 
Seventh  April  loth,  1876,  my  term  having  expired,  so  that  I  was  not 
"in  at  the  death"  in  June,  1876. 

I  have  always  believed  that  General  Custer  never  mentioned  the 
battle  on  August  nth  very  much  on  account  of  the  narrow  escape  we 
had  from  the  fate  which  later  overtook  the  regiment  on  the  Little  Big 
Horn.  If,  as  you  say,  you  are  writing  history,  the  above  statement  of 


Appendix  359 

facts  may  be  of  assistance  in  correctly  setting  forth  the  occurrences 
during  the  Yellowstone  Expedition  of  1873. 

Very  respectfully, 

THEO.  EWERT. 

GENERAL  GODFREY'S  COMMENT  ON  GENERAL  EWERT'S  LETTER 

MY  DEAR  DR.  BRADY: 

As  to  Colonel  Ewert's  letter,  I  presume  that  he  was  there  because  he 
relates  particulars  that  indicate  he  was  present.  But  his  troop  was  not 
there.  He  belonged  to  Benteen's  troop  which  was  left  at  the  stockade 
near  the  Glendive.  Major  C.  A.  Varnum  has  just  joined  at  this  post, 
and  I  showed  him  Ewert's  letter  and  asked  if  he  remembered  anything 
about  the  so-called  order  to  Custer  forbidding  him  to  cross  the  Yellow 
stone  under  any  circumstances  as  claimed  by  Ewert.  We  did  make 
every  effort  to  cross  the  river,  but  without  avail.  There  were  no  In 
dians  confronting  us  to  hamper  our  efforts.  They  did  not  discover  our 
presence  until  early  the  next  m  rning,  when  an  Indian  came  to  the 
river  just  opposite  our  bivouac  to  water  his  horse;  almost  at  the  same 
time  one  of  our  men  went  down  to  the  river  for  water  and  saw  the  In 
dian.  The  Indian  turned  his  horse  quickly  and  rode  away.  It  was  some 
little  time  before  any  body  of  Indians  came  to  make  the  attack. 
Neither  Varnum  nor  myself  has  any  remembrance  of  the  order  that 
Ewert  mentions  so  positively,  and  we  both  think  that  it  was  a  camp 
story.  J.  F.  Weston,  Commissary  General  U.  S.  A.,  then  a  lieutenant 
in  the  Seventh,  made  heroic  efforts  to  carry  a  line  to  the  opposite  shore, 
but  the  current  was  too  swift.  The  morning  of  the  nth  the  river  had 
fallen  very  much.  But  the  Indians  coming  to  us  made  it  unnecessary  to 
cross,  in  fact  kept  us  very  busy.  Lieutenant  Braden  was  wounded  on 
the  nth  as  you  state,  not  on  the  4th  as  in  the  record  as  published  in 
the  Journal. 

We  did  not  think  that  we  were  in  any  great  danger  of  massacre  on 
the  nth.  It  is  true  that  one  troop,  French's,  which  was  on  the  down 
stream  side  across  the  valley  was  being  pushed  pretty  hard  when 
Stanley's  column  came  in  sight  and  the  Indians  cleared  his  front.  The 
center  had  pushed  them  back  some  distance.  Dismounted  skirmishers, 
then  three  troops  charged  and  drove  them  about  a  mile,  halted  for  a 
few  minutes,  did  some  firing  across  a  narrow  deep  canon  and  then 
we  got  orders  to  charge  and  pursue,  which  we  did  for  about  five  miles; 
i.  e.,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn.  Our  orders  were  not  to  cross 
the  Yellowstone,  and  this  may  be  the  foundation  of  the  camp  story  of 
Ewert.  E.  S.  GODFREY. 


360   Northwestern  Fights  and  Fighters 

IV 

MEMORANDA   ON   THE   WOLF   MOUNTAIN 
CAMPAIGN,    MONTANA,    1877* 

About  Jan.  3, 1877,  the  command  went  into  camp  near  Wolf  Moun 
tain,  Tongue  River,  close  to  a  canon.  I  was  still  in  the  saddle  contem 
plating  with  a  pained  aspect  the  appearance  of  the  army  wagon  that 
contained  the  scouts'  plunder  and  bedding,  which  as  usual  had  been 
overturned  in  one  of  the  numerous  crossings  of  Tongue  River,  when 
General  Miles  called  to  me  and  directed  me  to  take  my  party  of  scouts 
and  go  up  the  river  some  distance  and  watch  out  for  Indians. 

We  had  passed,  the  day  before,  the  freshly  abandoned  camp  of  a 
large  force  of  Indians,  who  were  still  in  the  vicinity. 

Proceeding  a  mile  up  the  canon  of  the  Tongue,  we  turned  to  the 
left,  and  from  a  point  of  bluff  found  an  excellent  lookout  that  was 
sheltered  by  a  large  cedar  tree. 

From  this  point  we  presently  observed  some  Indians  traveling  down 
the  valley;  on  nearer  approach  observing  them  with  glasses,  they  ap 
peared  to  be  squaws.  It  was  evident  to  me  that  they  were  either 
ignorant  of  the  recent  removal  of  the  Indian  camps  from  that  vicinity, 
and  the  proximity  of  the  troops,  or  that  the  Indians  were  up  to  some 
scheme. 

As  they  neared  our  place  of  concealment,  I  saw  that  there  were  sev 
eral  women  and  a  boy.  I  at  once  turned  to  the  Indian  scouts  and 
warned  them  not  to  touch  them.  We  rode  down  a  gulch  and  quietly 
approached  them.  They  stopped  and  commenced  to  cry.  We  made 
signs  to  them  not  to  be  afraid  and  motioned  them  to  move  on  in  the 
direction  of  our  camp.  They  appeared  to  be  Cheyennes  and  could 
not  or  would  not  talk  Sioux. 

They  were  taken  to  headquarters,  and  there  being  shortly  there 
after  an  alarm  of  Indians  up  the  valley,  we  struck  out  again  in  that 
direction. 

This  time  the  Indian  scouts  did  not  follow  us.  The  party  numbered 
five,  as  follows:  the  three  Johnsons,  Tom  LaForge  and  myself.  The 
Indians  were  seen  in  the  distance,  and  when  we  had  attained  the 
point  where  the  squaws  were  found,  ten  or  fifteen  Indians  showed 
themselves  behind  a  little  rise  of  ground  awaiting  our  approach.  We 
immediately  charged  them  and  that  is  where  we  made  a  mistake. 

The  Indians  were  resting  their  guns  on  their  crossed  gun  sticks,  and 

*  See  page  326,  et  seq.,  "  Indian  Fights  and  Fighters." 


Appendix  361 


when  within  some  sixty  yards,  some  forty  or  fifty  of  them  who  had 
been  concealed,  rose  up  and  delivered  their  fire  as  we  circled  and 
returned  the  volley.  The  poor  marksmanship  of  the  Indians  alone 
saved  us  from  extermination.  Tom  La  Forge's  horse  was  shot  under 
him,  and  for  this  reason  we  took  position  near  by  in  a  small  clump 
of  scrub  oak. 

The  firing  then  became  general,  the  hostiles  soon  enclosing  us  on 
three  sides.  Our  Indian  scouts  who  had  followed  us  took  position  about 
three  hundred  yards  below;  one  only,  the  "Bannock,"  riding  coolly 
through  the  fire  to  join  us.  I  remember  that  he  joined  me  in  scaling 
a  bank  that  overlooked  our  position,  and  together  we  drove  off  five 
Indians  who  were  crawling  to  reach  the  brow  of  the  bank.  They  were 
not  fifteen  yards  away,  and  disappeared  before  we  could  get  in  a  shot. 
We  fired  at  a  party  riding  across  the  flat  and  had  the  satisfaction  of 
knocking  one  off  his  horse. 

They  made  it  so  hot  for  us  here  that  I  was  forced  to  rejoin  my  com 
panions  in  the  oak  grove.  The  "  Bannock,"  however,  concealed  himself 
in  the  grass  and  did  good  execution  during  the  engagement.  This  In 
dian  did  not  know  what  fear  was. 

By  this  time  the  command  had  become  aware  of  our  predicament 
and  a  detachment  under  Lieutenant  Hargous,  of  the  Fifth,  had  been 
sent  to  help  us  out.  The  approach  of  this  force  and  the  fire  of  the 
field  Napoleon  gun  which  sent  a  shell  directly  over  us  drove  the  In 
dians  or  seemed  to  from  our  front,  and  about  dusk  we  took  advantage 
of  the  lull  and  "  got  out  of  there." 

Over  100  Indians  were  opposed  to  us.  At  the  first  fire  one  Indian 
was  knocked  down,  another  was  struck  from  his  horse  in  the  fight  that 
followed;  but  from  the  peculiar  tactics  and  mode  of  fighting  of  these 
people  it  is  impossible  to  tell  if  others  were  hit.  All  of  my  party  were 
good  shots  and  trained  frontiersmen. 

The  next  morning  the  Indians  were  all  around  us  and  a  very  pretty 
fight  followed  which  lasted  all  day. 

L.  S.  KELLY. 

(Yellowstone  Kelly.) 


INDEX 


INDEX 


ADAMS,  Lieut.  I.  Q.,  First 
Cavalry,  signal  officer, 
288 

Antelope  Springs,  323 
Applegate,  Ivan  D.,  agent,  261; 
fails  to  persuade  Modocs  of 
futility  in  resisting  U.  S.  au 
thority,  262;  orders  military  to 
enforce  compliance  and  thus  be 
gins  the  Modoc  War,  263;  his 
story  of  first  battle,  272-279; 
acts  as  guide  and  interpreter, 
274 

Applegate,  O.  C.,  makes  forced 
march  to  intercept  Modocs,  277 
Applegate's  Ranch,  303 
Appendix,  329  et  seq. 
Army  and  Navy  Journal,  76 
"At-tux,"  watchword  of  Modoc 
chief  to  begin  massacre,  290 

B 

TDACON,    Lieut.,    marches    to 

seize  Thacher's  Pass,  29 
Bailey,  Maj.  H.  L.,  141;  his  note 
on  battle  of  Clearwater,   161- 

i63. 

Bancroft,  Lieut.,  141;  wounded  at 

Clearwater,  158 
Bannocks,  friendly  Indians,  221 
Barncho,  imprisoned  for  life,  253 


Battle  of  the  Big  Hole,  164-190; 

of  Camas  Meadows,  191-197; 

of  Clearwater,   17-18;    of  the 

Lava-Beds,  291-304;  of  White 

Bird  Canon,   90-111;    N.  Y. 

Herald's  account  of,  108-110; 

Gen.  Perry's  account,  112-118 
Bear's    Paw    Mountains,    Chief 

Joseph  meets  his  Waterloo  at, 

224 
Benteen,  Capt.,  at  Canon  Creek, 

216;  mentioned,  329 
Bernard,  Capt.,  132;  at  the  lava- 
beds,    293;    captures    Indians' 

ponies,  293 
Bibliography,  365 
Biddle,  Maj.,  his  note  on  murder 

of  commissioners,  290 
Big  Hole,  Battle  of,  164-190 
Black  Jim,  executed  for  murder 

of  peace  commissioners,  252 
Bloody  Point,  massacre  of,  230 
Blow,  the  first,  258. 
Boddy,   Mrs.,   her  ghastly   find, 

278;  her  escape  and  wander 
ings,  279 
Bogus  Charley,  242;  turns  State's 

evidence,  252;  his  ruse,  271 
Bomus,  Lieut.,  improvises  a  mule 

pack  train,  152 
Boston  Charley,  medicine  man, 

239;  shoots  Dr.  Thomas,  245; 

hanged,  253 


365 


366 


Index 


Boutelle,  Lieut.  F.  A.,  in  attempt 
ing  to  arrest  Scar-faced  Charley 
precipitates  fight,  234;  story  of 
his  duel  with  latter,  264-271; 
captures  Modocs'  camp,  268; 
describes  disaster  to  Major 
Thomas's  command,  305-313; 
tells  of  terrible  ordeal  of  the 
survivors,  307;  says  massacre 
was  useless  sacrifice,  308;  awful 
retreat  to  Gillem's  camp,  310 

Bowen,  Lieut.-Col.,  Thirteenth 
Infantry,  letter  to  Dr.  Brady 
on  Little  Big  Horn  campaign, 
330-332;  Ouster's  last  fight,  332 

Boyle,  Maj.,  narrowly  escapes 
being  shot,  288 

Bradley,  Capt.,  in  Big  Hole  fight, 

24 

Brady,  Dr.  C.  T.,  3;  note  justify 
ing  Col.  Perry,  121 ;  in  the  Land 
of  Burnt  Out  Fires,  229-256; 
Gen.  Custer  again,  329;  receives 
letter  from  Fort  William  McKin- 
ley  on  Custer's  fight,  329;  from 
Col.  Ewert  regarding  Custer, 
357-358;  Gen.  Godfrey's  com 
ment  on  Ewert's  letter,  358-359 
Browning,  Capt.,  rescues  supply- 
train,  189 

Bugler  Brooks,  story  of,  198 
Butler,  Gen.,  Law  Chief,  73 
Butty  Creek,  Battery  B  at,  324 


OABINESS,    Dr.,  his   remark 
when     Meacham      refused 

whisky,  246  note 
Camas  Meadows,  Battle  of,  191- 

197 


Camp  Warner,  Ore.,  Col.  Perry 
at,  291 

Campaign,  The  Last  Fight  of  the, 
320-325 

Canby,  Gen.  Ed.  S.,  Department 
Commander,  232;  his  heroic 
resolution,  243;  his  reply  to  in 
solent  demands  of  Indians,  244; 
shot  in  eye  by  Capt.  Jack,  245; 
killed  by  Ellen's  Man,  245;  his 
murder  avenged,  254;  his  ap 
pearance,  287 

Canon  Creek,  the  Seventh  Caval 
ry  at,  203 

Captain  Jack  (Kientpoos),  Modoc 
chief,  229;  retires  to  the  lava- 
beds,  234;  refuses  Angel  Island 
for  reservation,  238;  grossly  in 
sulted,  resolves  to  murder  com 
missioners  and  officers,  239; 
captured  by  Capt.  Perry's  troop, 
252;  ordered  to  trial  by  military 
commission,  253;  found  guilty 
and  executed,  253;  character 
and  fame  of,  255;  Perry's  story 
of  his  capture,  291—304;  map  of 
his  cave,  301 

"Chicken  Gunny,"  foot-covering, 
281 

Chief  Joseph.     See  Joseph,  Chief 

Clearwater,  Battle  of,  15-18; 
Maj.  Trimble's  story  of,  1 37-150 

Comba,  Capt.,  in  Big  Hole  River 
fight,  24 

Commissioners,  killing  of  the, 
286-290 

Cottonwood,  The  Affair  at,  123- 
126 

Country  They  Marched  Over, 
The,  281 


Index 


367 


Cow  Island,  34 

Cranston,  Lieut.  Arthur,  in  panic 
at  lava-beds  fight,  248;  accom 
panies  Capt.  Thomas,  300 

Curly-headed  Doctor,  Modoc  sub- 
chief,  232 

Custer,  Gen.,  Again,  329 


F\AVIS,  H.  J.,  79;   describe! 
"^^     battle  of  Camas  Meadows, 

191;  his  comments  on  fight  on 

lava-beds,  250  note 
Davis,  Col.  Jefferson  C.,  succeeds 

Gen.  Canby  in  command,  250; 

prosecutes  vigorous  campaign 

against  Modocs,  250—251 
"Digger    Indians,"    Modocs    a 

branch  of,  257 
Dreamer  (Too-hool-hool-suit),  his 

hatred  of  whites,  85;  arrested, 

88 
Dreamers,     the,     Chief    Joseph 

strongly  influenced  by,  8 1 
Drummond,  Corporal,  168 
Duel  between  Maj.  F.  A.  Boutelle 

and  Scar-faced  Charley,  267 
Duncan,    Lieut.,    in    Battle    of 

Clearwater,  141 
Dyer,   Mr.   L.   S.,   239;  escapes 

from    Captain    Jack,    though 

wounded,  245 


ITCKESTROM,  Lieut.,  37 
^    Edwards,  W.  H.,  188 
Ellen's    Man,    one    of   Captain 
Jack's  warriors,  243 


Eltonhead,  Lieut.,  141 

English,  Lieut.,  182;  his  death, 

183 

Ewert,  Col.  Theo.,  letter  to  Dr. 
Bfady  regarding  Gen.  Custer, 
357-358 


pAIRCHILD'S  RANCH,  324 
Fallon,   Act.-Asst.-Surg.  J. 

E.,  323 

Farrow,  Capt.  E.  S.,  describes 
the  Lo-lo  trail,  20-21;  How 
ard's  march  through  the  Yel 
lowstone  country,  31-33;  note 
to  Perry's  account  of  battle  at 
White  Bird  Canon,  119-122; 
his  story  of  the  battle  of  Clear- 
water,  151-163 

First  Cavalry  (Jackson's  troop) 
ordered  to  move  Modocs  off  of 
old  reservation,  291;  at  Capt. 
Jack's  stronghold,  320 

Fish,  Gen.,  71 

Fletcher,  Capt.  R.  H.,  97;  plan  of 
the  battle  of  Clearwater,  154; 
map  of  the  battlefield,  157 

Flo-Cut,  son  of  Chief  Joseph, 
224 

Forse,  Lieut.,  141 

Fort  William  McKinley  (Philip 
pines),  330 

Fourth  Artillery,  panic-stricken 
at  battle  of  lava-beds,  248; 
Battery  B,  under  Qen.  Has- 
brouck,  320 

French,  Capt.,  checks  panic,  218 

Fuller,  Lieut.,  204 


368 


Index 


/^•EOGHEGAN  (Sutherland), 

^-^     pathetic  story  of,  311-312 

Gibbon,  Gen.  John,  surprises  the 

Indian  camp,  23-25;  his  account 

of  the  battle  to  Gen.  Howard, 

26-28;  his  fear  of  Ouster's  zeal, 

342 

Gilbert,  Lieut.,  33,  36 

Gillem,  Col.  A.  C.  (First  Cavalry) 
supersedes  Col.  Wheaton,  237; 
signals  news  of  disaster  to  Maj. 
Thomas's  command,  306 

Godfrey,  Gen.  E.  S.,  36-37;  note 
to  Col.  Bowen's  summary  of 
Custer  campaign,  356;  his  com 
ments  on  Col.  Ewert's  letter, 
358-359;  causes  of  Custer's 
defeat,  354~355 

Goldin,  Theodore  W.,the  Seventh 
Cavalry  at  Canon  Creek,  203- 
222 

Goose  Lake  Valley,  282 

Grant,  Pres.,  commutes  sentences 
of  two  murderers  of  peace  com 
missioners,  253 

Green,  Maj.  John,  80;  orders 
arrest  of  Capt.  Jack,  233; 
affectionately  called  "Uncle 
Johnnie,"  293;  finds  dead 
bodies  of  several  officers,  302; 
pursues  Capt.  Jack,  302 


H 


pi  ALE,  Capt.,  his  exclamation, 
L*     34;  killed  at  Snake  Creek, 

37 
Hare,  Lieut.,  207-208 


Hare,  Rev.  W.  H.,  D.D.,  intro 
duction  to  Chief  Joseph's  story, 
44-48 

Harris,  Lieut.  G.  M.,  at  fight  on 
lava-beds,  248;  wounded,  318; 
his  mother  informed,  318;  her 
long  and  difficult  journey  to 
reach  his  bedside,  318;  his 
death,  319 

Hasbrouck,  Gen.  H.  C,  Fourth 
Artillery,  rallies  his  troops  and 
defeats  the  Modocs,  251;  his 
report  of  last  fight,  320-325; 
attacked  by  Modocs,  320;  at 
tacks  them  on  their  way  to  sur 
render,  324;  demands  uncon 
ditional  surrender,  325 

Hayt,  E.  A.,  one  of  the  com 
missioners,  71-73 

Hazleton,  Lieut.  J.  B.,  Fourth 
Artillery,  advances  on  Indian 
stronghold,  323 

Hill,  Dave,  Klamath  scout,  276 

Hooker,  Jim,  one  of  Capt.  Jack's 
warriors,  232;  escape  of  his 
band,  234;  turns  State's  evi 
dence,  252 

Howard,  Gen.  O.  O.,  with  Chief 
Joseph  at  Fort  Lapwai,  Idaho, 
6-8;  comments  on  strategy  of 
Joseph,  14;  defeats  Indians  on 
banks  of  the  Clearwater,  17-18; 
his  summary  of  the  campaign, 
18;  reviews  campaign  ending 
in  Chief  Joseph's  surrender, 
40-43;  comments  on  Joseph's 
narrative,  76-89 

Howe,  Lieut.  Albion,  in  fight  at 
the  lava-beds,  248 

Humphrey,  Gen.  C.  F.,  his  gal- 


Index 


369 


lantry  at  battle  of  Clearwater, 
161 
Hush-hush-cute,  Chief,  94 


IDAHO,    Chief    Joseph     con- 
demns  retreat  from,  19 

Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat.  See  Jo 
seph,  Chief 

Imnaha  Valley,  hunting-grounds, 
84 

Indian  names  spelled  variously,  4 
note;  never  spares  his  horse,  22 

Indian  Xenophon,  Joseph  called 
the,  40 

Indians,  the  Nez  Perces,  epic  of, 
3 

J 

"TACK'S    STRONGHOLD," 
J     236 

Jackson,  Col.  James,  131;  his 
expedition,  257—263;  in  fight  at 
the  lava-beds,  321;  in  hot  pur 
suit  of  Modocs,  323;  his  gal 
lantry,  324 

Jacobs,  Lieut.  J.  W.,  in  battle  of 
Big  Hole,  165 

Jocelyn,  Capt.,  163 

Johnson,  Capt.,  70 

Joseph,  Chief,  leader  of  the  Nez 
Perces,  6-13;  ambushes  How 
ard's  cavalry,  29-30;  repulses 
Maj.  Ilges,  35;  surrenders  to 
Gen.  Miles,  38;  his  pathetic 
message  to  Gen.  Howard,  38; 
sent  prisoner  to  Fort  Leaven- 
worth,  40;  his  own  story,  48-75; 
map  of  his  retreat,  49;  anecdotes 


of,  223-226 ;  meets  his  Waterloo, 
224;  visits  New  York  and  par 
ticipates  in  Grant  celebration, 
224;  called  the  "Napoleon  of 
Indians,"  by  Miles,  224;  dies 
in  Washington,  224;  guest  of 
"  Buffalo  Bill,"  225;  entertained 
by  Gen.  and  Mrs.  Miles,  226; 
his  famous  sayings,  226 


TZ"  ELLY,  L.  S.,  scout,  note  on 
Wolf  Mountain  campaign, 


Kientpoos.     See  Captain  Jack 
Kirkenendall,  Hugh,  his  narrow 

escape  from  death,  184 
Klamaths  (La-la-kes),  share  res 

ervation  with  Modocs,  231 
Klamatb  Falls  Express,  The,  272 

note 

Knox,  Lieut.,  141 
Kyle,  Lieut.,  wounded,  237 


T    AND  of  Burnt  Out  Fires,  In, 
*^     229 

Lava-beds,  the,  scene  of  Modoc 
war,  234-236;  map  of,  240; 
fight  at,  248;  panic  of  Fourth 
Artillery  at,  249;  a  terra  in 
cognita  to  white  men,  259;  first 
and  second  battles  of,  291; 
carrying  a  stretcher  through 
the,  314 

Lawyer,  Indian  orator,  53 
Leary,  Lieut.  Peter,  162;  rallies 
the     packers     and     scouts     at 
Clearwater,  163 


370 


Index 


Little  Big  Horn,  Custer's  defeat 

at,  332 
Logan,  Capt.,  24;  his  heroic  death, 

175 
Looking    Glass,    Chief,    15;   his 

death,  28-29 
Lost  River  region,  old  home  of 

Modocs,  232,  291 
Lydecker,  Capt.  (U.  S.  Engineers), 

describes  lava-beds,  235 

M 

V/f  ASON,  Col.,  142;  his  great 
loss  of  men,  237;  attacks 
Capt.  Jack's  stronghold,  247; 
forces  him  to  retreat,  248;  sig 
nals  news  of  Lieut.  Sherwood's 
death,  288,  322 

McCafferty,  Sergt.  Hugh,  197 

McCarthy,  Sergt.,  12 

McEldery,  Dr.,  sees  Gen.  Canby 
fall,  289;  succors  wounded  at 
Maj.  Thomas's  massacre,  310 

McKay,  Donald,  at  lava-beds 
fight,  321;  sent  to  hospital, 
322 

McNiel,  Gen.,  72 

Meacham,  Hon.  A.  B.,  peace 
commissioner,  239;  resolves  to 
meet  Capt.  Jack  in  conference, 
242;  his  story  of  first  fight 
refuted  by  Maj.  Boutelle,  269; 
shot  by  Schonchin,  245 

Mendenhall,  Capt.  John,  320 

Miles,  Capt.  Evan,  141;  his 
spirited  charge,  158 

Miles,  Gen.  Nelson  A.,  35;  sur 
prises  Indians  near  Snake  Hill, 
36 


Miller,  Maj.  M.  P.,  17;  leads 
charge,  158 

Modoc  War,  The,  227  et  seq.\ 
most  costly  war  U.  S.  Govern 
ment  ever  waged,  229;  Modocs' 
loss  in,  254;  its  awful  cost,  254 

Modocs  migrate  to  Lost  River 
region,  232;  flee  from  lava-beds, 
251;  note  on  present  status  of, 
255-256;  popular  misconcep 
tions  of,  270;  their  base  treach 
ery  explained,  298 

Monteith,  Indian  agent,  82 

Mortars,  cohorn,  Indian  strong 
hold  shelled  with,  299 

Moss,  Lieut.  H.  M.,  in  fight  at 
lava-rocks,  321 

Moylan,  Capt.,  36 

N 

XTEZ  PERCES  WAR,  3-223; 

epic  of,  3;   Indians,  Gov. 

Stevens  negotiates  treaty  with, 

3-4;  map  of  their  reservation,  5 

Norwood,  Capt.  R.,  hero  of  Ca- 
mas  Meadows,  191 

o 

/^JDENEAL,  Thos.  B.,  Super- 
^"^     intendent  of  Indian  Affairs, 

260;  his  costly  error,  269 
Old  Joseph,  head  of  Lower  Nez 
Perces,  refuses  to  sign  treaty 
with    U.    S.    Government,    4; 
speech  of,  4 

Ollicut,  Joseph's  brother,  82 
Otis,  Lieut.  H.  G.,  129;  in  battle 
of  Clearwater,  156;  his  "jack 
ass"  battery,  217 


Index 


DARNELL,  Maj.  W.  R.,  his 
gallant  charge,  12;  describes 
Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon, 
90-111;  rewarded  for  gallant 
conduct,  118  note;  the  Salmon 
River  Expedition,  127-136 

Peninsula  Camp,  Fourth  Artillery 
stops  at,  on  way  to  seat  of  war, 
320 

Perry,  Brig.-Gen.  D.,  9;  describes 
Battle  of  White  Bird  Canon, 
112-118;  the  Affair  at  Cotton- 
wood,  123-126;  wounded  in  at 
tack  on  Modocs,  237;  extract 
from  letter  on  his  condition, 
299-300;  brevetted  for  gallan 
try,  304  note 

Promontory  Point,  Gen.  Has- 
brouck  arrives  at,  320 


TRAINS,  Lieut.  S.  M.,  killed  at 
Craig's  Mountain,  129 

Rawn,  Capt.  C.  C,  commander  at 
Fort  Missoula,  22-23 

Red  Cloud,  most  noted  of  latter- 
day  Indians,  224 

"  Red  Napoleon  of  the  West,"  the, 
Joseph  called,  40 

Redding,  Cal.,  Battery  B,  Fourth 
Artillery,  marched  from,  320 

Redington,  Col.  J.  W.,  198;  his 
story  of  Bugler  Brooks,  198-202 

Riddle,  squaw-man,  warns  peace 
commissioners  of  treachery, 
241;  escapes  from  Jack's  mur 
derous  attack,  245 


Roberts,  Lieut.,  wounded  at  fight 

of  lava-beds  pedregal,  237 
Rodney,  Capt.,  141-142 
Russell,  Lieut.,  209 


OALMON  RIVER  EXPEDI 
TION,  the,  Maj.  Parnell's 
story  of,  127-136 

Sandy  Butte,  in  the  lava-beds,  322 

Sanno,  Capt.  J.  M.  J.,  24;  his 
map  of  Big  Hole  River  battle 
field,  170 

Sayles,  Corporal,  death  of,  185 

Scar-faced  Charley,  resists  arrest, 
234;  saves  life  of  Toby,  345; 
his  duel  with  Maj.  Boutelle, 
264-271 

Schonchin,  Modoc  chief,  over 
whelms  emigrants,  229;  escapes 
death,  230;  shoots  Hon.  Mr. 
Meacham,  245;  hanged,  253 

Schonchin,  John,  Schonchin 's 
brother,  escapes  massacre,  231 

Second  Cavalry,  36 

Seventh  Cavalry,  33;  at  Canon 
Creek,  203-222 

Semig,  Surg.  B.  G.,  reconnoitres 
lava-beds,  248;  seriously  wound 
ed  at  Thomas's  massacre,  302; 
his  grim  humor,  309 

Shacknasty  Jim,  243  note;  turns 
State's  evidence,  252 

Sherman,  Gen.,  82,  192 

Sherwood,  Lieut.  Walter,  mortally 
wounded,  247;  news  of  his 
death  signaled  to  Col.  Mason's 
camp,  288 


372 


Index 


Shields,  G.  O.  (Coquina),  story 
of  the  Big  Hole  fight,  164-190 

Shoshones,  under  Gen.  Howard 
at  Canon  Creek,  221 

Shot,  the  initial,  272 

Sitting  Bull  joined  by  White  Bird, 

37 
Sloluck,    in    massacre    of   peace 

envoys,  245;  sentenced  to  life 

imprisonment,  253 
Sorass  Lake,  320 
Spaulding,  Rev.,  51-52 
Stern  berg,  George  M.  (Surgeon- 
General),  129 
Stevens,  Gov.  Isaac  I.,  negotiates 

treaty  with  Indians,  3 
Stickney,  Col.,  71 
Stinking  Water  River,  32-33 
Sturgis,  Col.,  defeats  Indians  at 

Canon  Creek,  34,  203 
Sun,  N.  T.,  anecdotes  of  Chief 

Joseph  in,  223-226 


nPAP-SIS-IL-PILP,  rushes  to 
his  death,  176 

Theller,  Lieut.,  9;  his  death,  13 

Thomas,  Rev.  Dr.  Eleazar,  239; 
determines  to  meet  Indians  un 
armed,  243;  shot  by  Boston 
Charley,  245 

Thomas,  Capt.  Evan  (Fourth 
Artillery),  reconnoitres  lava- 
beds,  300;  disaster  to  his  com 
mand,  305;  his  coolness  in  face 
of  death,  308;  sacrificed  to 
blunders  of  Agent  Odeneal, 
308;  his  character,  309 

Throckmorton,  Lieut.,  141 


Toby,  knocked  in  head,  245;  saves 
Mr.  Meacham  from  being 
scalped,  246;  fears  treachery, 
287;  receives  pension  from 
United  States  Government,  290 

Too-hul-hul-sote,  Indian  orator, 
under  arrest,  7-8;  released, 
58-59 

Trimble,  Maj.,  9;  his  story  of 
Battle  of  Clearwater,  137-150; 
his  reminiscences,  280-285; 
company  ordered  to  march  300 
miles;  describes  killing  of  peace 
envoys,  286-290;  arrives  too 
late  to  prevent  massacre,  289; 
on  capture  of  Indians,  304  note; 
story  of  return  of  Thomas  relief 
party,  314-319;  gives  cause  of 
Thomas  disaster,  317 

Twenty-first  Infantry,  at  battle 
near  lava-beds,  235 

Tule  Lake,  centre  of  Modoc 
stronghold,  241;  massacre  of 
settlers  at,  278 


U 


TJM-TIL-ILP-COWN,  in  Big 

Hole  River  fight,  176 
United  States  Service  Magazine, 
the,  257 


\fAN  BREMMER'S  Ranch, 
near  scene  of  Lost  River 
fight,  293;  Gen.  Wheaton's  re 
treat  to,  297;  Gen.  Hasbrouck 
goes  into  camp  at,  323 

Van  Orsdale,  Lieut.,  182 


Index 


373 


Varnum,  Capt,,  Seventh  Cavalry, 
his  comment  on  Ouster's  march, 
340 

W 

VyALLOWA  VALLEY, 
United  States  gives  In 
dians  permission  to  remain  in,  6 

Wal-lit-ze,  killed,  176 

War,  Modoc,  the,  227;  first  battle 
of,  272 

Warm  Spring  Indians,  allies  of 
whites  at  lava-beds  fight,  249; 
mistaken  for  Modocs  at  this 
fight,  249 

Watchman,  Modoc  warrior,  death 
of,  276 

Wheaton,  Col.  Frank,  136;  in 
Lost  River  fight,  235;  and 
"Modoc  steak,"  236;  super 
seded  by  Col.  Gillem,  237 

Whipple,  Maj.,  14 

Whisky,  commissary,  anecdote  of 
strength  of,  246  note 

White  Bird,  influential  Nez  Per- 
ces  chief,  6;  his  escape,  37 

White  Bird  Canon,  Battle  of,  10- 
13;  plan  of  battle,  93;  descrip 
tion  of  battle,  90-1 1 1 ;  map  of, 
103 


Williams,    Capt.,    24;    wounded, 

158 

Wilson,  Serg.  Mildon  H.,  189 

Winters,  Capt.,  152 

Wood,  Col.,  17,  24;  describes  sur 
render  of  Chief  Joseph,  38-39 

Woodbridge,  Lieut.,  182,  189 

Woodcuck,  William,  amusing  in 
cident  relating  to  him,  184 

Woodruff,  Lieut.,  wounded,  178 

Wooten,  Sergt.,  First  Cavalry, 
recovers  bodies  of  slain  com 
missioners,  247 

Wright,  Ben,  his  despicable 
stratagem,  230;  destroys  Modoc 
power,  231;  killed,  231 

Wright,  Lieut.  T.  F.,  Seventeenth 
Infantry,  at  lava-beds  fight,  248 


VENOPHON,  Indian,    Chief 


J\> 


Joseph  called  the,  40 


YELLOW  BULL,  69-70 

Yellowstone    Kelly.        See 
Kelly,  L.  S. 

Yellowstone  Park,  Joseph's  march 
through,  30;  Capt.  Farrow  de 
scribes  march  through,  31 


THE    END 


THE  COUNTRY  LIFE  PRESS 
GARDEN  CITY,  N.  Y. 


